Political culture, political science and identity politics: an uneasy alliance. By Howard J. Wiarda

2016 ◽  
Vol 92 (5) ◽  
pp. 1261-1262
Author(s):  
Muhammad Shoaib Pervez
Author(s):  
Nonna Mayer ◽  
Vincent Tiberj

The boom in survey research, the increasing internationalization of political science, and the development of large-scale comparative projects have renewed the study of political culture and invalidated the notion of a French “exceptionalism.” But French scholars, influenced by Marxism, social history, and Bourdieu’s legacy of “critical sociology,” still have a different understanding of political culture, and prefer to use other concepts such as ideology. After a rapid overview of the founding studies and debates, this chapter shows how French research on political culture or cultures in the plural developed in its own way, and outlines the major challenges it is facing today on issues such as race and ethnicity, gender, globalization, and poverty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Kranert

Abstract The term populism is omnipresent in current political science and political discourse. This paper discusses how so-called “populist” discourse is linguistically construed in the 2017 election manifestos of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the British United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). It does so by operationalising populism concepts from political science, specifically the difference between exclusive and inclusive populism. In order to investigate how “populist” discourses depend on the respective political culture of a discourse community, these categories are employed in a corpus based comparative politico-linguistic analysis. Based on a corpus of German and British election manifestos from 2017, the paper demonstrates that both UKIP and the AfD combine elements of in inclusive populism based on demands of a democratic renewal, and an exclusive populism based on the idea the people as a homogeneous ethnos. The discursive realisation, however, differs because of general historic and political differences such as Britain being a state of four nations and the AfD aiming to avoid a rhetoric known from Germany’s past. Particularly pronounced are differences in the delineation to the enemy “European Union” as both parties link their euro-sceptical discourse to different central signifiers of the German and British political culture.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 344-355
Author(s):  
Silja Häusermann ◽  
Achim Kemmerling ◽  
David Rueda

AbstractWhy do left parties lose vote shares in times of economic crisis and hardship? Why do right-wing governments implement seemingly left-wing policies, such as labor market activation? Why is representation becoming more and more unequal? And why do workers vote for right-wing populist parties? Several political science theories propose meaningful and important answers to these key questions for comparative politics, focusing on identity politics, programmatic convergence of parties or exogenous constraints. However, there is an additional and distinct approach to all of the questions above, which emphasizes socio-structural transformations in the labor market: most of the processes above can be understood with reference to increasing labor market inequality and its political implications. The relevance and explanatory power of labor market inequality for mass politics have not been fully acknowledged in comparative political science and this is the reason for this symposium. Labor market inequality affects political preferences and behavior, electoral politics, representation, and government strategies. The main purpose of our symposium is to make broader comparative politics research aware of the crucial structural changes that labor markets have undergone in the advanced capitalist democracies of the OECD, and of the tremendous implications these changes have had for politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 467-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleanor Knott

This article argues that bottom–up, people-centered research which uses ethnographic and everyday approaches is crucial but underutilized in research on identity politics in Eastern Europe. In order to understand what concepts such as ethnicity and citizenship mean in the context of people’s everyday lives, it is vital to understand whether taken-for-granted political concepts are appropriate and the make-up of data such as census data. The article first introduces the methods of political ethnography and bottom–up interviews by discussing how they can be applied and their value within political science. The paper uses data gathered from interviews in Moldova and Crimea (when it was still a de jure and de facto part of Ukraine) to demonstrate the value of this approach. It shows how interview data can add significantly to the understanding of kin-state relations within political science by adding a richness of context and a bottom–up perspective that quantitative and elite-level interviews fail to provide. Lastly, the paper draws on experiences gained from research design to discuss how bottom–up research in political science can be conducted rigorously. The article argues that this approach can deepen the understanding of identity politics and kin-state relations or, more broadly, important post-communist questions such as democratization and Europeanization.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
Maria Mchedlova ◽  
Daria Kazarinova

The fragility of the modern unstable world has created both theoretical and methodological crises, and opened up opportunities for discursive and politicalpragmatic transcending the boundaries of linear normative constructions of Modernity. The inclusion of the concepts of identity and identity politics paradigm in the interpretation of political reality, and in instrumental practice appropriate strategies and technologies that lead to improving the performance of scientific research, and at the same time – to the aggravation of the uncertainty and destructive due to the use of political practices, guided around them. The subject field of these concepts is diversified and fragmented, reflecting the multiplicity of referents and generating conceptual and political-instrumental competition. The aim of the research is to trace the theoretical response to changing reality, which is poorly described by the traditional institutional paradigm of political science and requires the incorporation of socio-cultural meanings, which then becomes a catalyst and legitimizing basis for certain political practices. The authors address the conceptual positions of the theories of protest identity (M. Castells) resentiment (F. Fukuyama), pseudo-politics (M. Lilla), politics of life (A. Giddens), tribes and new tribalism (M. Maffesoli) and retrotopia (Z. Bauman).


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