Author(s):  
Elvira Immacolata Locuratolo

The article is concerned with the proposal of a new approach of conceptual database design, called evolving conceptual database design, which exploits the structure for the preservation of database classes/concepts within the design. In order to discuss the opportunity to take into consideration this approach, the structure is constructed starting from a database conceptual graph. The leaves of the structure are mapped to a logical/object database graph. Horizontal steps of constructive logical database design extend the model. The computational costs required to design the structure for the preservation of database classes/concepts, as well as the qualitative/conceptual costs of the logical models resulting from the constructive design, are discussed.


Author(s):  
Concha Castillo

I argue in this paper that agreeing past participles are merged externally in the derivation in V endorsed with a feature [+resultative], whereas non-agreeing past participles are bound to value a feature [+perfective] against the have-auxiliary. Phi-agreement on the former kind of participle occurs since the meaning [+resultative] denotes a property of the logical object, which happens to merge in the position of sister to V-en. As postulated in standard frameworks, phi-agreement consists in that the V-en form values uninterpretable phi-features against the DP object. In contrast with agreeing past participles, non-agreeing past participles are merged externally in the form of V and they get their –en suffix in v valued against the have-auxiliary once the latter enters the derivation. The meaning or interpretation of this –en suffix is [+perfective] or [+anterior]. No phi-agreement occurs between these V-en forms marked [+perfective] and their logical object (whenever they select for one) since [+perfective] is a property of the event or situation as a whole, and not of the object. It is further suggested that the specific Agree relation that is phi-agreement appears not to be subject to configurations of asymmetric c-command, but to just occur on external Merge of the DP that bears the corresponding valued, interpretable phi-features.


1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 425-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dianxiang Xu ◽  
Guoliang Zheng

Author(s):  
Mary Laughren

The DP subject of a Warlpiri finite clause containing verbs of a certain class is marked with the ergative suffix whereas other DP subjects are morphologically unmarked. This chapter examines the wider distribution in Warlpiri of the ergative morpheme and the varied functions of ergative-marked DPs in both finite and non-finite clauses. Particular focus is on the relationship between the subject-marking and instrument adjunct-marking role of the ergative suffix. Unlike finite transitive clauses in which both an agent subject and an instrument adjunct are marked ergative, in non-finite clauses only one of these can be marked ergative: the instrument adjunct in clauses where the agent subject is realized either as phonologically null PRO or as a dative case-marked DP external to the verb phrase; the agent or instrument subject contained in the infinitival phrase embedded in a stative predicate whose external subject is co-referent with the logical object of the embedded verb.


1979 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 151-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kay ◽  
Chad K. McDaniel

In the introduction we stated two frequently encountered a priori arguments against the variable rule methodology and attempted to refute them. The first rejects the variable rule methodology – and by implication any study of comparable data – on the grounds that variable rules govern token frequencies while generative grammar does not countenance token frequencies. We agree that variable rules are not generative rules of a new sort but an entirely different kind of logical object and that generative grammar indeed does not countenance token frequencies. But we are convinced by empirical work conducted within the variable rule paradigm that token frequencies often display clear patterns and that moreover some knowledge of these patterns forms part of the linguistic abilities of speakers. We conclude that, whatever the drawbacks of the variable rule formalism, studies employing variable rules have shown regularities in linguistic behavior that point to a serious lack in the generative paradigm, narrowly defined.A second line of argument against variable rules which we rejected was based on assumptions about human psychology and about probability theory. The assumption that human beings cannot assess probabilities and behave in accord with them in a natural and unconscious manner appears to be supported by no empirical evidence and does not seem to us plausible a priori. Moreover, experimental evidence to the contrary exists. The argument to probability theory was that a speaker would have to have an internal counting device to keep track of the relative frequencies of linguistic variants that he had heard from his own or other lips in order to behave in accordance with variable rules. But this would require a kind of probability theory that would differ in remarkable and unspecified ways from ordinary probability theory, since the paradigmatic empirical examples of the familiar theory, such as coins, dice, decks of cards, and so on, are not possessed of memories.


10.14311/808 ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Bokr ◽  
V. Jáneš

The paper deals with the state and performance of a logical object on a state-differentiating level and with the so called determinization of a finite – automaton model. 


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