Mande hunters and the state: cooperation and contestation in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Heitz-Tokpa
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The State ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Cooperation

Abstract:This article analyzes the relationship between Mande hunters (dozos) and the Ivorian state in the prefecture of Ouangolodougou in northern Côte d’Ivoire. Having adopted a prominent security role during the violent conflict of 2002–2011, dozos have made continuing efforts to maintain their position in the post-conflict state. To negotiate their position, they draw on a performative repertoire, such as the display of powerful attributes in the context of processions. Although they have had to concede some more strategic and profitable activities to the reestablished state, dozo chiefs effectively govern the rural northern borderlands of Côte d’Ivoire.

scholarly journals Mutiny in Côte d'Ivoire

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Schiel ◽  
Christopher Faulkner ◽  
Jonathan Powell
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The State ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Prior Experiences

Since 1990, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced over a dozen army mutinies, with three major events occurring in the first half of 2017. This paper explores the underlying causes of these events, considering both this year's mutinies and the state's prior experiences with military insubordination. A review of the events of Côte d'Ivoire's tumultuous 2017 indicates a number of parallels with some of its earlier mutinies, though these more recent events are perhaps unique due to the presence of a larger range of dynamics and the scale of the mutineers' demands. Beyond requests for better pay, which are nearly ubiquitous, these events also illustrate the general hazards of post-conflict civil–military relations, including challenges related to demobilisation, integration of rebel forces, the consequences of soldiers having contributed to a leader's ascendance, and the perils of soldier loyalties lying with personalities instead of the state.

The politics of organising the countryside: rural cooperatives in Côte d'Ivoire

1999 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 489-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwayne Woods
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Rural Cooperatives ◽  
Rural Producers ◽  
And Control

This article first explores the manner in which the colonial and postcolonial state in Côte d'Ivoire has sought to develop and animate rural cooperatives as a means of effecting change in the countryside. It then examines the local realities that the state has encountered in its attempt to organise and control rural cooperatives. In particular, the article shows how ethnicity, age, and contrasting economic interests have undermined state efforts to create sustainable and effective rural cooperatives at the village level. Finally, the article looks at how structural adjustment has led to the retreat of the state and the emergence of a more pluralistic environment in which different rural associations are now competing to represent the interests of rural producers.

The State and Maritime Nationalism in Côte d'Ivoire

1994 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245
Author(s):  
Okechukwu C. Iheduru
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Dual Approach ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

Oneof the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its ‘open-door’ capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of ‘Ivoirianisation’ through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared ‘open-door’ strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.

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