Are Black state legislators more responsive to emails associated with the NAACP versus BLM? A field experiment on Black intragroup politics

Author(s):  
Jeron Fenton ◽  
LaFleur Stephens-Dougan

Abstract We fielded an experiment on a sample of approximately 400 Black state legislators to test whether they would be more responsive to an email that mentioned the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) relative to an email that mentioned Black Lives Matter (BLM). The experiment tested Cohen's theory of secondary marginalization (1999), whereby relatively advantaged members of a marginalized group regulate the behavior, attitudes, and access to resources of less advantaged members of the group. We expected that Black legislators would be less responsive to an email that referenced BLM, an organization that is associated with more marginalized members of the Black community. Contrary to our hypothesis, Black legislators were as responsive to emails referencing inspiration from BLM as they were to emails referencing inspiration from the NAACP. Thus, we do not find any evidence of intragroup discrimination by Black state legislators. To our knowledge, this is the first field experiment to test Cohen's theory of secondary marginalization.1

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801770073 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anouk Lloren

Many argue that direct democracy improves the quality of democracy. In particular, many scholars claim that it increases the representation of the public’s preferences by fostering communicative responsiveness between politicians and citizens. While studies have come to mixed conclusions about the effect of direct democracy on policy outcomes, little is known about how direct democratic processes affect politicians’ responsiveness. Using a field experiment, this study examines whether direct democracy increases the responsiveness of Swiss state legislators to citizen-initiated contacts on policy concerns. Contrary to popular belief, our results show that direct democracy does not enhance politicians’ responsiveness to policy requests.


Author(s):  
Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood

This chapter focuses on the post-civil war election of Massachusetts’ first black legislators and the debates over the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. It argues that in these early debates issues of black suffrage were central to visions of citizenship and that conflicts over the breadth of the amendments planted the seeds for future skepticism of the Republican Party. Following the passage of the amendments, portions of Boston’s black community remained unsure of Republicans’ commitment to civil rights protections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Laura Warren Hill

This chapter documents several brutal clashes between African Americans and the police, which engendered a loose coalition of Black organizations and a number of sympathetic white ministers. It recounts the Rochester cases that garnered significant attention, while police clashes occurred throughout most cities in the postwar era. It also mentions a case where the US Justice Department interceded and another case where the famed Nation of Islam leader Malcolm X joined the protest efforts. The chapter argues that police brutality became a salient issue for a broad cross section of the Black community, which included ministers who cultivated and promoted a unified response. It talks about the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) that worked closely with Malcolm X and local Nation of Islam leaders to organize a unity rally, chastising the Rochester branch for consorting with reputed Black separatists.


Author(s):  
Robin Bernstein

African American poet, fiction writer, and playwright Angelina Weld Grimké was born in Boston in 1880, the daughter of Sarah Stanley, who was White, and Archibald H. Grimké, who was African American and vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). She was named for her great-aunt, the White abolitionist Angelina Grimké Weld (1805–1879), who died shortly before the playwright was born. As a schoolgirl, Grimké began publishing fiction and poetry. She was politically engaged, and at the age of nineteen she collected signatures for a petition against lynching.


Author(s):  
Bridget D. Hilarides ◽  
Sianna A. Ziegler ◽  
Kathryn C. Oleson

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