direct democracy
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2022 ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
İhsan İkizer

Direct democracy, an early form of democracy, which was applied in city states of ancient Athens, is at the agenda of politics again, especially at local levels due to the limitations of the representative democracy. People do not want to voice their ideas about the cities or countries where they live just once in four or five years by casting their votes in the ballot box. They desire to be involved in decision-making mechanisms, at least for relatively more important issues that might have direct effect over their lives. Today, more local governments are applying direct democracy tools in line with the expectations of local residents and as a requirement of the local governance principle of participation. Of course, as it is the case in representative democracy, direct democracy, which aims civic engagement for each significant decision, has some limitations. This chapter will explore the implementation of direct democracy by municipalities in Turkey, with all its variation, sources of motivation, opportunities, and challenges.


2022 ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Lilita Seimuskane ◽  
Maris Pukis

The chapter provides analysis of obstacles for the introduction of direct citizen participation in the decision-making process at the local self-governments in Latvia, as well as intents of national government to widen participative democracy by formalization of consultation mechanisms. Within the scope of this study, participation is seen as an interaction form of relationship between citizens and a local government. The highest form, according to Arnstein's gradation theory of a ladder of citizen participation, refers to the participation degree called partnership, delegated power, and is described by Teorell as a citizen voice in the government. Situation and perspective of local government referendums are analysed. Consultation is implemented at the level by involving the residents in the work of local government commissions and implementing public deliberations. Administrative territorial reform, performed by 2021 elections, will decrease the number of local governments to a third of their current level.


2022 ◽  
pp. 154-178
Author(s):  
Barry W. Bussey

In recalling the Newfoundland school debate during the late 20th century, this chapter considers the use of a direct democracy initiative that purportedly sought public input on a matter of communal religious rights. It raises the question as to whether a referendum is an appropriate tool to abandon minority rights which form part of a country's constitution. First, there is a brief discussion on the importance of free and democratic societies to foster civil society, including religious communities engaging in the public square. Second, the history of the Newfoundland education system will lay the foundation for a review of the perceived problems with churches running government-funded schools. Third, a short synopsis of the political machinations that led to two referendums and how the referendums were used as a legitimization tool by a government apparently unwilling to work out a viable solution that allowed some residual accommodation of the church schools. Finally, a reflection on what lessons may be learned from the Newfoundland experience.


2022 ◽  
pp. 41-65
Author(s):  
Christophe Emmanuel Premat

Direct democracy offers possibilities for citizens to influence political decisions especially at the local level. In Germany, the local political systems have been affected by the introduction of direct democratic tools such as citizen initiatives and local referendums since the Reunification. The state legislations defined new conditions for citizen initiatives and municipal referendums with a minimum number of valid signatures for initiatives and a minimum approval rate for referendums. The chapter evaluates the practice of local initiatives and municipal referendums in Germany and examines the routinization of these tools in local politics.


2022 ◽  
pp. 20-40
Author(s):  
Wilfried Marxer

Municipalities of Liechtenstein enjoy a considerable degree of autonomy. There are matters which, according to the Municipality Act, must be decided by the entirety of the municipality's citizens who are entitled to vote. Furthermore, a referendum can be held against decisions of the municipal council by collecting signatures, or a popular vote on certain issues can be triggered through a citizens' initiative. In such ballots, citizens who are entitled to vote and reside in the municipality are admitted. In case of votes on the naturalisation of foreign nationals, only those who are resident in and have citizenship of the municipality in question are entitled to vote. Votes on naturalisation are more frequent than votes on matters of substance. Initiatives at municipal level, on the other hand, are rare. Municipal citizens can also exert direct influence at national level. Direct democratic instruments at national level can be taken by a nationwide collection of signatures or three or four identical municipal resolutions.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Philippe E. Rochat

Switzerland's more than 2,200 municipalities enjoy a high degree of autonomy and strongly developed direct democratic rights. The diversity of communal forms of direct democracy is correspondingly large. This chapter aims to trace the basic structures of these local democracies. One important distinction is at the centre of the argument. While the majority of municipalities are organised in direct democratic assemblies, the parliamentary system dominates in the larger cities and in many municipalities in French- and Italian-speaking Switzerland. However, equating parliaments with representative democracy and municipal assemblies with radical, direct democracy falls short of the mark. In fact, the local level reveals a vibrant and diverse mix of models of democracy. Depending on the cultural area and the situation of the individual municipalities, different approaches are taken to involve the voters in democratic decision making.


Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodii ◽  
Olexii A. Kolodii ◽  
Maryna O. Petryshyna

The relevance of the topic “constitutional and legal status of the Ukrainian people” is seen, first of all, in the fact that the understanding of the Ukrainian people of their essence, their political and legal status, in the context of awareness of their own legal personality, principles, powers, guarantees, that is, certain elements included in the content of the constitutional and legal status at the present stage of development and development of Ukraine as a democratic, social and Legal country, is very important, appropriate and, for the political, legal and other systems of any country, system-forming. It should also be noted that this issue, despite its fundamentality and scientific prospects, is not sufficiently doctrinairely studied by Ukrainian scientists. This is due to many determinants, of which two factors are the most obvious. First, the dominance of doctrinal approaches in Ukrainian legal science, which did not recognise the existence of the constitutional and legal status of the Ukrainian people as a whole. It was considered that only individuals and legal entities can be granted legal status. Secondly, Ukrainian scientists have traditionally preferred to study established institutions, primarily direct democracy, which are directly regulated in Chapter III of the Constitution of Ukraine, that is, elections and referendums. The aim is to clarify the methodological basis for studying the constitutional and legal status of the Ukrainian people. Based on the obtained conclusions and generalisations, a methodological basis for studying the constitutional and legal status of the Ukrainian people has been developed


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