Populist Government and Constitutional Democracy

Until the first decade of the 21th century, scholars and reporters have identified contemporary populism as an element of anti-systemic revolt; furthermore, they have also recognized an incompatibility between populist phenomenon and government function. However, some recent cases of populist parties in power seem to be able to put into crisis more than one certainty regarding the nature and scope of the populist phenomenon. This observation raises the questions of this work: what harmful effects does populism in government produce on liberal institutions, pluralism, and representation in constitutional democracies? Do these effects merely erode the liberal component, or do they extend to produce a degeneration of democracy as a whole? And finally: what are the risks for democracy? The article corroborates the diarchic theories of democracy and aims to demonstrate the lack of compatibility between the principles of liberal democracy and populist principles, which have a negative impact not only on the liberal component, but also on the quality of democracy in its entirety.

The Global State of Democracy Indices Technical Procedures Guides, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Indices, in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. The third edition of the report provides analyses of the current trends in democracy and human rights at the national, regional, and global levels, with special attention to the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

The Global State of Democracy Indices Methodology, Conceptualization and Measurement Framework, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Indices, in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. This document revises and updates the conceptual and measurement framework that guided the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

The Global State of Democracy Indices Codebook, Version 5 (2021)

The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 5 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2020. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.

The Democratic Cost of Consecutive Re-election and Presidential Term-Limit Evasion in Latin America

Despite theoretical arguments suggesting the strong effects of presidential term limits and re-election on democracy, there is surprisingly little empirical evidence to evaluate them. We test both the effect on democracy of the existence of a consecutive re-election rule and of reforms introducing it for incumbent presidents. Using evidence from Latin American countries between 1945 and 2018, we test their relationship to both vertical and horizontal accountability. A synthetic control method is employed to account for the effect of term-limit reforms, and time-series cross-section models for modelling the association with the re-election rule. Both vertical and horizontal accountability as well as the quality of democracy are eroded by term-limit evasion reforms in most countries and strengthened in none between 1990 and 2018. Allowing presidents to run for re-election – relative to term-limited ones – is consistently associated with weak democratic outcomes.

Democratic Erosion and Democratic Resilience in Central Europe during COVID-19

What are the effects of populists in power on democracy during a pandemic? The paper seeks to distinguish the extent to which the COVID-19 pandemic can (not) be traced to democratic erosion and democratic resilience. Are the changes in the quality of democracy resulting from political leaders' actions or rather a path-dependent continuation of previous trends? This contribution focuses on two paths – democratic erosion and democratic resilience – in the Visegrad Four countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia), which are all governed by populist leaders. It builds on previous literature that focused principally on the first wave of the pandemic by focusing on institutional guardrails and accountability (vertical, horizontal, and diagonal) during the 18 months of the pandemic. It seeks to answer the following question: What conditions are necessary and sufficient to prevent democratic erosion?

The State of Democracy in Asia and the Pacific 2021: Old Resilience, New Challenges

The Covid-19 pandemic initially broke out in the Asia and the Pacific region in late 2019, with the first cases in Wuhan, China. The pandemic has served as a magnifier of pre-existing democratic strengths and weaknesses within governing systems around Asia and the Pacific. In the majority of cases, the region’s hybrid and authoritarian regimes tightened their grip on society in response to the pandemic. Quality of democracy continued to decline in number of region’s democracies. Despite these challenges, in its response to the Covid-19 pandemic, the Asia and the Pacific region has demonstrated impressive democratic resilience and innovation. In contrast to other regions, several countries already had legal and institutional frameworks in place tailored to dealing with global health emergencies and were able to activate these rapidly. Importantly, experiences by several Asian countries have highlighted the fact that such a crisis can be contained while respecting legal constraints and coordinating across an array of elected and unelected institutions. All democracies needed to balance between individual and collective rights. This Report provides lessons and recommendations that governments, political and civic actors, and international democracy assistance providers should consider in order to counter the concerning trends in the erosion of democracy, and to foster its resilience and deepening.

Policy making e apprendimento di capacità politiche della società civile. Il terzo settore nella riforma lombarda dell’assistenza

After a period of general fervour for social capital, civil society and NGOs’ involvement, current literature is more cautious, trying to test the outcomes of networks’ participation on the quality of democracy. Third Sector political capabilities for voice, negotiation, lobbying and campaigning are very important variables. The article focuses on the formation of these capabilities in a contentious process of policymaking. Starting on a case study in the Lombardy Region, it shows how conditions, mechanisms and processes of Third Sector engagements play a role in the learning and gradual change of political capabilities. Particularly, it stresses the relevance of deliberative arenas for third sector coordination and reflexivity. Looking at the political outcomes in the implementation of the Social Care Reform at the Regional level, the article formulates a hypothesis about the policy dependency of Third Sector legitimate power.

Elity pod presją negatywnych emocji

The aim of the article is to reflect on the phenomenon of populist resentment towards elites in contemporary liberal democracies. This form of resentment is claimed to lower the quality of democracy, both in regard to its procedures and social bonds, thus deepening the crisis of the system. One of the paper’s aims is to explore this phenomenon as a structure composed of negative social emotions. This part of the analysis is conceptual and theoretical in character. The article then considers the dynamics and mechanisms of the resentment against elites. In this part of the text, the phenomenon is viewed through the lens of the social and cultural context in which it is rooted, as well as from the perspective of individual experiences. Because instances of social resentment manifest themselves mainly in words, this is illustrated using examples from the public debate in Poland regarding elites. The paper concludes with two hypotheses formulated with respect to the multilevel and multidimensional character of this form of resentment.

Media and Information Literacy of Students – Skills and Challenges in the Context of Political Preferences

The main purpose of this article is to present the link between the level of media and information literacy (MIL) and political preferences of Polish students based on empirical research. MIL is a key issue for today’s societies as it equips citizens with the skills needed to use various media and information channels and exercise their basic human rights. Phenomena such as post-truth, the way people are more inclined to accept arguments based on emotions and beliefs than facts, disinformation and fake news are an important context and subject of ongoing scientific discussions. Keeping in mind the limitations of self-report methods, the authors combine the elements of students’ self-assessment with the questions that test their theoretical knowledge and competences related to recognizing fake news. The research sample consists of 870 students of social sciences and journalism. The results of the research provide detailed knowledge about the level of MIL as well as political preferences of students. By that, authors hope to contribute to the global scientific discussion, offering their research conducted in the context of the declining quality of democracy in Poland.