scholarly journals Malthus' Essay on Population and the American Debate over Slavery

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 742-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Hodgson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Present State ◽  
Great Part ◽  
British Isle ◽  
Early Marriage ◽  
Natural Laws ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Large Families

Malthus published his Essay on Population in 1798 and for the next century, as the new discipline of political economy incorporated his thought into its central tenets, population theorizing took place largely within a Malthusian framework. A stark simplicity marks his argument, especially as presented in the succinct first edition of the essay. He presents the reader with two self-evident natural laws: “that food is necessary to the existence of man,” and “that the passion between the sexes is necessary and will remain nearly in its present state” (1798: 11). He then observes, “The power of population is indefinitely greater than the power in the earth to produce subsistence for man” (13), and contends that population, when unchecked, increases in a “geometrical ratio” while subsistence in only an “arithmetical ratio” (14). In this first edition, Malthus had the particular ideological goal of proving that “the advocates of equality and of the perfectibility of man” had an unattainable dream. Mr. Godwin could imagine a British Isle where all are equal, live in “airy” farmhouses, share “the necessary labours of agriculture” (182), and divide its fruits “according to their wants,” Malthus observed, but such a regime places no barrier to early marriage and large families. He calculated that in a hundred years the Isle's seven million people “would be one hundred and twelve millions, and the food only sufficient for thirty-five millions, leaving seventy-seven millions unprovided for” (23–24). Since “no possible form of society could prevent the almost constant action of misery upon a great part of mankind” (36), constructing a society of equals only ensures a society in which all will be poor. Any attempt to improve the conditions of the impoverished by granting them access to subsistence, such as the poor laws then in effect in England, simply works “in some measure to create the poor which they maintain” since they permit the poor man to “marry with little or no prospect of being able to support a family in independence” (83).

Tories and Paupers: Christian Political Economy and the Making of the New Poor Law

1990 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandler
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Law ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Political Economist

Everyone knows that Edwin Chadwick wrote the New Poor Law; or, rather, that he wrote the report – issued in 1834 by the royal commission appointed two years earlier to inquire into the poor laws – which formed the basis for the New Poor Law. The well-informed among us might add the name of the political economist Nassau Senior as Chadwick's co-author. But few would be able to supply any of the further seven names which stood with Chadwick's and Senior's as co-signatories to the report. These seven royal commissioners were Bishop Blomfield of London, Bishop Sumner of Chester, William Sturges Bourne, M.P., the Rev. Henry Bishop, Henry Gawler, Walter Coulson, and James Traill.

“There are few subjects in political economy of greater difficulty”: The Poor Laws of the Antebellum South

1985 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 849-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Ely
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
Traditional Practices ◽  
Antebellum South ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Distinct Character

This article examines the administration of the poor laws in six southern states from 1800 to 1860. Although southerners were influenced to some degree by developments in northeastern communities, the unique features of antebellum southern life caused poor relief to assume a distinct character. Poverty was simply not perceived as a major concern in the South. Consequently, southerners were less inclined to stigmatize paupers, or to adopt a systematic policy of institutionalizing dependents. They relied heavily on such traditional practices as outrelief and apprenticeship. This approach harmonized with the southern preference for a legal system which encouraged informal solution of social problems at the local level.

Immiserizing Growth

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Household Survey ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Poverty Measures ◽  
Entry Points ◽  
Country Analysis ◽  
Cross Country

Immiserizing Growth occurs when growth fails to benefit, or harms, those at the bottom. It is not a new concept, appearing such figures as Malthus, Ricardo and Marx. It is also not empirically insignificant, occurring in between 10% and 35% of cases, depending on the data set and the growth and poverty measures used. In spite of this, it has not received its due attention in the academic literature, dominated by the prevailing narrative that ‘growth is good for the poor’. The chapters in this volume aim to arrive at a better understanding of when, why and how growth fails the poor. They combine discussion of mechanisms of Immiserizing Growth with empirical data on trends in growth, poverty and related welfare indicators. In terms of mechanisms, politics and political economy are chosen as useful entry points to explain IG episodes. The disciplinary focus is diverse, drawing on economics, political economy, applied social anthropology, and development studies. A number of methodological approaches are represented including statistical analysis of household survey and cross-country data, detailed ethnographic work and case study analysis drawing on secondary data. Geographical coverage is wide including Bolivia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Nigeria, the People’s Republic of China, Singapore, and South Korea, in addition to cross-country analysis. As the first book-length treatment of Immiserizing Growth in the literature, we believe that this volume constitutes an important step in redirecting attention to this issue.

scholarly journals THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
General Attitude ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Natural Forms ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.

Benjamin Franklin and the Poor Laws

1944 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-91
Author(s):  
Howell V. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Benjamin Franklin ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
The Poor

III. The Medical Mission and the Care of the Sick Poor in Nineteenth-Century England

1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen J. Heasman
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
Medical Missions ◽  
Medical Mission ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
The Poor

Sidney and Beatrice Webb, in their book The State and the Doctor, which was submitted in the first instance as a memorandum to the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws in 1909, dismiss the work of the free dispensaries and medical missions in one short paragraph.

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