scholarly journals Vowel dispersion and Kazakh labial harmony

Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam G. McCollum
Keyword(s):  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
Harmonic Grammar ◽  
Feature Based

This paper uses novel data showing gradient labial harmony in Kazakh to compare Kaun's (1995) feature-based analysis with a dispersion-based analysis in a Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar. The paper demonstrates that the dispersion-based analysis better fits the Kazakh data than Kaun's analysis, and then extends it to account for four languages with harmony patterns different from that in Kazakh. The paper also argues that the dispersion-based account provides a better analysis of the typology of labial harmony than Kaun's feature-based analysis.

Long words in maximum entropy phonotactic grammars

Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Daland
Keyword(s):  
Probability Distribution ◽  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
Mathematical Proof ◽  
Sufficient Conditions ◽  
Necessary And Sufficient Conditions ◽  
Theoretical Issue ◽  
Harmonic Grammar ◽  
Necessary And Sufficient

A phonotactic grammar assigns a well-formedness score to all possible surface forms. This paper considers whether phonotactic grammars should be probabilistic, and gives several arguments that they need to be. Hayes & Wilson (2008) demonstrate the promise of a maximum entropy Harmonic Grammar as a probabilistic phonotactic grammar. This paper points out a theoretical issue with maxent phonotactic grammars: they are not guaranteed to assign a well-defined probability distribution, because sequences that contain arbitrary repetitions of unmarked sequences may be underpenalised. The paper motivates a solution to this issue: include a *Structconstraint. A mathematical proof of necessary and sufficient conditions to avoid the underpenalisation problem are given in online supplementary materials.

scholarly journals Morphologically-conditioned tonotactics in multilevel Maximum Entropy grammar

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie S Shih ◽  
Sharon Inkelas
Keyword(s):  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
Harmonic Grammar ◽  
Common Base ◽  
Novel Approach ◽  
Indexed Constraints

This paper presents a novel approach to probabilistic morphologically-conditioned tonotactics, featuring a case study of Mende, in which tonotactics vary by lexical category. This variation in surface tone patterns is modeled via indexed weight adjustments (i.e., varying slopes) for each constraint in a Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar, quantifying the degree to which each lexical class follows basic tonotactic principles in a common base grammar. Approaching morphologically-conditioned phonotactics as indexed weight adjustments of a base grammar offers a solution to the existing stalemate between single grammar (e.g., indexed constraints) and multiple grammar (e.g., Stratal OT; cophonologies) models of lexically-sensitive phonological patterns.

scholarly journals Gradient categories in lexically-conditioned phonology: An example from sound symbolism

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie S Shih
Keyword(s):  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Natural Extension ◽  
Lexical Item ◽  
Sound Symbolism ◽  
Class Membership ◽  
Harmonic Grammar ◽  
Core Language ◽  
Indexed Constraints ◽  
Formal Theories

There are many approaches to modeling lexically-conditioned phonology in current formal theories, including lexically-indexed constraints and cophonologies. Nearly all of these existing approaches assume categorical membership in the lexical classes that condition differential phonotactics or phonological behaviours: for example, a lexical item is either a noun or a verb, or of one gender class or another. This paper proposes an implementation of Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar with lexically-indexed constraints and gradient symbolic activations over classes that allows us to model differences in phonological patterns over both discrete and gradient class membership. This theoretical implementation is a natural extension of the scales and gradient activations that have been shown to be necessary in recent phonological theory: sound symbolic evidence highlights the necessity for such increased explanatory power in our phonological models. Crucially, we find gradient lexically-conditioned patterns not only in sound symbolism—where they are often most obvious—but also in what is considered “core” language (e.g., morphosyntactic classes), and allowing gradient class structures in our phonological models may ultimately make for cleaner interfaces with other parts of grammar such as morphosyntax.

scholarly journals English adaptation in Mandarin A-not-A constructions

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Minqi Liu
Keyword(s):  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
English Word ◽  
Syllable Structure ◽  
Code Switching ◽  
Harmonic Grammar ◽  
Weighted Constraints ◽  
Production Experiment ◽  
Mandarin Speakers

A-not-A refers to a Mandarin reduplication construction where the underlying form /RED-pu-A/ contains a reduplication of the first syllable in A. In this study I investigate the kinds of adaptations that occur when an English word serves as the base A in code-switching speech. Since the complex onsets and most codas allowed in English are illegal in Mandarin syllables, the reduplicated part is expected to adapt to Mandarin phonotactics to some degree. I ran a production experiment where 20 native Mandarin-speakers were asked to produce A-not-A constructions with 55 mono- and multi-syllabic English words. Results from the experiment showed varied adaptation methods in syllable structure and tones. To model the results, I used the Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (MaxEnt) with weighted constraints on syllable structure markedness and base-reduplicant faithfulness.

Stochasting modeling of planetary ring systems

1984 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 461-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Hart
Keyword(s):  
Maximum Entropy ◽  
Ring System ◽  
The Sun ◽  
Ultimate State ◽  
Interparticle Interactions ◽  
Ring Systems ◽  
First Order ◽  
Planetary Ring ◽  
Insight Into

ABSTRACTThis paper models maximum entropy configurations of idealized gravitational ring systems. Such configurations are of interest because systems generally evolve toward an ultimate state of maximum randomness. For simplicity, attention is confined to ultimate states for which interparticle interactions are no longer of first order importance. The planets, in their orbits about the sun, are one example of such a ring system. The extent to which the present approximation yields insight into ring systems such as Saturn's is explored briefly.

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