Syllable Weight, Prosody, and Meter in Old English

Diachronica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donka Minkova ◽  
Robert P. Stockwell

SUMMARY Nearly all recent studies of Old English prosody have argued that main stress is fixed by phonological rules which make reference to syllable weight. We claim that such arguments are wrong, partly because they depend on still dubious assumptions about the scansion of Old English verse, and partly because the hypotheses they construct violate an essential axiom of prosodie theory, that a single syllable is the domain of stress. Stress assignment rules based on morphological properties are both simpler and less exceptionable in Old English. We argue that a major change between Old and Middle English is the reanalysis of stress assignment as a phonologically rather than morphologically based rule, and we suggest some possible triggering conditions for that diachronic reanalysis. RÉSUMÉ Presque toutes les études récentes sur la prosodie du vieil anglais ont prétendu que l'accent primaire est déterminé par des règles phonologiques qui font référence au poids de la syllabe. Nous rejetons de tels arguments parce que, d'une paît, ils dépendent de suppositions douteuses sur la scansion des vers du vieil anglais et parce que, d'une autre part, les hypothèses qu'ils construisent violent un axiome essentiel de la théorie prosodique, c'est-à-dire l'idée que le domaine de l'accentuation est délimité par la syllabe. En vieil anglais, des règles d'accentuation basées sur des propriétés morphologiques s'avèrent à la fois plus simples et moins sujettes aux exceptions. Nous prétendons qu'un changement majeur entre le vieil anglais et le moyen anglais est justement la réanalyse de l'accentuation comme règle motivée par des facteurs phonologiques plutôt que morphologiques et nous suggérons quelques conditions de déclenchement possibles pour cette réanalyse diachronique. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die meisten neueren Arbeiten zur altenglischen Prosodie gehen von der An-nahme aus, daB der Hauptakzent eines Wortes durch phonologische Regeln determiniert sei, die auf das Silbengewicht Bezug nehmen. Unserer Meinung nach ist diese Auffassung unzutreffend, und zwar aus zwei Griinden. Zum einen beruhen diese Analysen auf derzeit noch unbewiesenen Annahmen hin-sichtlich des altenglischen Versmetrums, und zum anderen stehen sie im Wi-derspruch zu einem wesentlichen Axiom der Prosodietheorie, nämlich daB die einfache Silbe die Domäne der Betonungszuweisung ist. Eine solche Zuwei-sung der Betonung aufgrund von morphologischen Eigenschaften ist hingegen nicht nur einfacher, sondem erfordert fiir das Altenglische auch weniger Aus-nahmen. Die Autoren gehen davon aus, daB sich zwischen dem Altenglischen und dem Mittelenglischen eine wesentliche Veranderung vollzogen hat, und zwar die Zuweisung der Wortbetonung auf phonologischer statt auf morpho-logischer Grundlage. Ferner behandeln wir verschiedene Bedingungen, die diese diachrone Reanalyse ausgelost haben konnten.

Author(s):  
Donka Minkova

Old English (OE) is a cover term for a variety of dialects spoken in Britain ca. 5th–11th century. Most of the manuscripts on which the descriptive handbook tradition relies date from the latter part of the period. These late OE manuscripts were produced in Wessex and show a degree of uniformity interrupted by the Norman Conquest of 1066. Middle English (ME) covers roughly 1050–1500. The early part of the period, ca. pre-1350, is marked by great diversity of scribal practices; it is only in late ME that some degree of orthographic regularity can be observed. The consonantal system of OE differs from the Modern English system. Consonantal length was contrastive, there were no affricates, no voicing contrast for the fricatives [f, θ, s], no phonemic velar nasal [ŋ], and [h-] loss was under way. In the vocalic system, OE shows changes that identify it as a separate branch of Germanic: Proto-Germanic (PrG) ē 1 > OE ǣ/ē, PrG ai > OE ā, PrG au > OE ēa. The non-low short vowels of OE are reconstructed as non-peripheral, differing from the corresponding long vowels both in quality and quantity. The so called “short” diphthongs usually posited for OE suggest a case for which a strict binary taxonomy is inapplicable to the data. The OE long vowels and diphthongs were unstable, producing a number of important mergers including /iː - yː/, /eː - eø/, /ɛː - ɛə/. In addition to shifts in height and frontness, the stressed vowels were subject to a series of quantity adjustments that resulted in increased predictability of vowel length. The changes that jointly contribute to this are homorganic cluster lengthening, ME open syllable lengthening, pre-consonantal and trisyllabic shortening. The final unstressed vowels of ME were gradually lost, resulting in the adoption of <-e># as a diacritic marker for vowel length. Stress-assignment was based on a combination of morphological and prosodic criteria: root-initial stress was obligatory irrespective of syllable weight, while affixal stress was also sensitive to weight. Verse evidence allows the reconstruction of left-prominent compound stress; there is also some early evidence for the formation of clitic groups. Reconstruction of patterns on higher prosodic levels—phrasal and intonational contours—is hampered by lack of testable evidence.


1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donka Minkova

Developing an idea first articulated by Luick in 1896, Halle & Keyser (1971) posit the introduction of a new accentuation rule in Middle English (ME), the weight-sensitive Romance Stress Rule (RSR). All post-1971 accounts of English stress take the syllable weight principle of the RSR as their starting point. For twenty-five years there has been no scrutiny of the assumption that syllable weight became relevant for stress assignment in ME. It has been claimed, and the claims have not been addressed, that the RSR is part of the phonology of late OE (O'Neil, 1973), that by late ME the RSR had completely replaced the Germanic accentuation patterns (Nakao, 1977), and that the existence of the RSR in ME justifies the reconstruction of analogical pronunciations such as hardi, holi, riding(e), a real shift from the Germanic to the Romance category (Halle & Keyser, 1971; Luick, 1896). The paper refutes these claims on the basis of new evidence and analysis in terms of generalized prosodic constraints.


Author(s):  
Judith Huber

Chapter 6 begins with an overview of the language contact situation with (Anglo-) French and Latin, resulting in large-scale borrowing in the Middle English period. The analysis of 465 Middle English verbs used to express intransitive motion shows that there are far more French/Latin loans in the path verbs than in the other motion verbs. The range of (new) manner of motion verbs testifies to the manner salience of Middle English: caused motion verbs are also found in intransitive motion meanings, as are French loans which do not have motion uses in continental French. Their motion uses in Anglo-Norman are discussed in terms of contact influence of Middle English. The analysis of motion expression in different texts yields a picture similar to the situation in Old English, with path typically expressed in satellites, and neutral as well as manner of motion verbs being most frequent, depending on text type.


Author(s):  
Daniel Sawyer

This volume offers the first book-length history of reading for Middle English poetry. Drawing on evidence from more than 450 manuscripts, it examines readers’ choices of material, their movements into and through books, their physical handling of poetry, and their attitudes to rhyme. It provides new knowledge about the poems of known writers such as Geoffrey Chaucer, John Lydgate, and Thomas Hoccleve by examining their transmission and reception together with a much larger mass of anonymous English poetry, including the most successful English poem before print, The Prick of Conscience. The evidence considered ranges from the weights and shapes of manuscripts to the intricate details of different stanza forms, and the chapters develop new methods which bring such seemingly disparate bodies of evidence into productive conversation with each other. Ultimately, this book shows how the reading of English verse in this period was bound up with a set of habitual but pervasive formalist concerns, which were negotiated through the layered agencies of poets, book producers, and other readers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Holmberg

The conclusion seems inescapable, if the facts in Emonds & Faarlund are more or less right: Middle English would be the outcome of a shift from West Germanic grammar to an eccentric form of North Germanic grammar.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 131-162
Author(s):  
Peter Orton

AbstractThe Exeter Book Riddles are anonymous, and the generally formulaic character of all Old English verse discourages attempts to establish unity or diversity of authorship for them; but correlations between the sequence of Riddles in the manuscript and the recurrence from poem to poem of aspects of form, content (including solutions), presentation and style sometimes suggest common authorship for particular runs of texts, or reveal shaping episodes in the collection's transmission. Investigation along these lines throws up clear differences between the two main blocks of Riddles (1–59 and 61–95), and evidence emerges that the composition of many (at least) of Riddles 61–95 was influenced by a reading of Riddles 1–59.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 178-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas H. Jucker

Studies in the history of politeness in English have generally relied on the notions of positive and negative face. While earlier work argued that a general trend from positive politeness to negative politeness can be observed, more recent work has shown that in Old English and in Middle English face concerns were not as important as in Modern English and that, in certain contexts, there are also opposing tendencies from negative to positive politeness. In this paper, I focus in more detail on the notions of positive and negative face and follow up earlier suggestions that for negative face a clear distinction must be made between deference politeness and non-imposition politeness. On this basis, I assess the usefulness of the notions of positive and negative face for the development of politeness in the history of English.


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