Discursive constructions on Spanish languages

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-330
Author(s):  
Esperanza Morales-López

Abstract The analysis of the different ideological constructions around the languages of Spain shows two main metaphors that support the linguistic conflict experienced in the last three or four decades: the container metaphor (languages conceived as entities that are completely independent of each other) and the ecological metaphor (each language occupies a specific niche for historical reasons). The study of complexity provides a new metaphor as a new solution for this conflict, i.e. the eco-biosociological metaphor, which is based on the assumption that what is human cannot be explained exclusively by biological factors, but instead by communicative action in cooperation with others above all. To illustrate the first two metaphors, in this paper we consider the linguistic position of two new parties: En Marea and En Comú-Podem.

1975 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 557-558
Author(s):  
PAUL ELLEN
Keyword(s):  

1985 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-109
Author(s):  
Michael Domjan
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Gary Genosko

While Deleuze explored the temporalities of alcoholism in American literature in The Logic of Sense, and Jean Clet Martin, among others, has extended this inquiry by further extracting the alcoholic’s lines of flight from the same literature, this chapter breaks the mould by understanding alcohol, distilled and in its pure form of ethanol, as well as its imbibition, as a question of a component that passes through anthropocentric, and across multiple non-anthropocentric assemblages. The exploitation of ethanol fermentation, for example, exists across species. Indeed, as we entertain more overtly human cultural examples, such as ‘wine’ for cats, a recent Japanese pet trend, the metabolic communion of interspecies companionship requires that the material expressivity of the substance is overcoded because the ‘wine’ is not only non-alcoholic but liquid catnip in a ‘wine’ bottle. Indeed, theorization of the pursuit of shared pleasures – using Guattari’s ethological terms, we might say deterritorializing from deterministic biological factors yet also modifying these in some measure as well (Machinic Unconscious) – and engaging multiple species is this chapter’s goal, achievable by plotting the passages of alcohol and its related components across assemblages and their material and socio-cultural expressive trajectories beyond strictly anthropocentric and Western prerogatives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Mohammed El-Msaoui

Many debates between Islamists and secularists have taken place in the Arab political sphere with the aim of building bridges of communication between the two actors who contributed to the transformations that have taken place in the Arab world. Despite the multiple dialogues between Islamists and secularists, conflict and tension have prevailed on both sides, with conflict taking on all forms of material and moral violence. One of the most significant indicators of the crisis in communication is the emergence of violence. That being so, this study broaches the problem using Habermas’s basic idea, which focuses on violence as a disease of human discourse and communication. According to Habermas, violence is the result of distorted discourse between fundamentalists and others; it is a distorted discourse because it does not recognize the other as it is. The study employs the Habermas communicative action theory as a central concept. Accordingly, Habermas’s theory of communication is invoked to understand the causes of the escalation of violence in the Arab political sphere.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Jurkynas

AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60
Author(s):  
Gregor Zons ◽  
Anna Halstenbach

AbstractDespite its right-wing populist character, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) shows no signs of a strong party leadership. We ascribe this state of the party leadership to the AfD’s institutionalization as a new party and show how organizational features interact with the skill set and goals of the party leaders. At the party level, we, firstly, outline the organizational change at the top of the party and the party leader selection rules. Secondly, we depict leadership turnover and competitiveness. At the leader level, we investigate the failure of Bernd Lucke, the key founder and one of the initial party leaders, as a manifestation of the leadership-structure dilemma of new parties. Embedded in a leadership team and faced with a growing extra-parliamentary party structure, Lucke tried to secure his initial autonomy and position of power by an attempt to become the sole party leader. His subsequent exit from the AfD laid bare the fact that he was not able to manage the challenges of the organizational consolidation phase, in which a new party needs a coordinator and consensus-builder. The AfD itself has proven its organizational autonomy from its initial leaders and its distaste for a strong and centralized party leadership. The barriers for the latter remain in place while, at the same time, the party institutionalization is still on-going, especially regarding its place in the German party competition.


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