Evidence for Survive from covert movement

Author(s):  
Winfried Lechner
Keyword(s):  
Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.24 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janne Bondi Johannessen

Correlative words like <em>either, both</em> and <em>neither</em> have not been adequately discussed in the literature. Schwarz (1999) and Larson (1985) give an account of some of them (mainly <em>either</em>) in terms of reduction and movement, respectively, but their theories, as they stand, cannot account for data from Germanic languages. Instead, there is evidence for Hendriks's (2002, 2001a, 2001b) idea that correlatives are focus particles. This paper presents a syntactic analysis which includes both overt movement and covert movement (akin to QR), inspired by Larson (1985) as well as Bayer (1996). It is central for the account that correlative particles are akin to adverbs, and can be analysed in terms of adverbial positions in a Cinquean way. Included in the paper will also be a presentation of differences between correlatives with respect to V2 in and across languages.


1999 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Lasnik

Procrastinate (Chomsky 1993) favors covert movement; therefore, when movement is overt, it must have been forced to operate “early” by some special requirement, one that Chomsky codes into “strong features.” I compare Chomsky's three successive theories of strong features and argue that two ellipsis phenomena, pseudogapping and sluicing, provide evidence bearing on the nature of strong features. I argue that movement or ellipsis can rescue a derivation with a strong feature, and I conclude that PF crash is relevant either directly, as in Chomsky 1993, or indirectly, as in the theory presented in Chomsky 1995a augmented by the multiple-chain theory of pied-piping (especially as interpreted by Ochi (1998)).


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Hadas Kotek
Keyword(s):  

Intervention, covert movement, and focus computation in multiple wh-questions


2019 ◽  
pp. 264-341
Author(s):  
Isabelle Charnavel

This chapter re-examines the hypothesis that some anaphors can be long-distance bound independently of their discursive conditions. All analyses of long-distance anaphora, whether they assume binding domain parameterization or covert movement, rely on the existence of a specific type of anaphors that can be bound out of the Condition A domain and are further characterized by monomorphemicity, subject orientation, sloppy readings, and blocking effects. The goal of this chapter is to question this empirical claim and examine the hypothesis that such purported long-distance anaphors can in fact be reduced to exempt anaphors subject to logophoric conditions. Some tests are proposed and applied to Icelandic sig, Mandarin ziji, French soi, and Norwegian seg/sin using online questionnaires. The results suggest that the hypothesis that long-distance binding should be eliminated from the theory and reduced to logophoric exemption is viable—pending further cross-linguistic studies.


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grégoire Courtine ◽  
Charalambos Papaxanthis ◽  
Rodolphe Gentili ◽  
Thierry Pozzo

Author(s):  
Carson T. Schütze

With the introduction of AGREE into Minimalism by Chomsky (2000), the relationship between the two elements in an agreement relationship went from being strictly local (Specifier-Head) to being unbounded (c-command with no intervening strong phase boundary) in order to accommodate long-distance agreement phenomena. Concern over the less restricted nature of the new approach led researchers to propose alternatives that eschewed the unbounded reach of AGREE , in the hope that a more restrictive theory might yet be salvaged. This paper scrutinizes some of the most widely cited and fully developed of these alternative proposals (employing predicate inversion of expletives, restructuring, covert movement), applied to extensively studied spheres of data (English existentials, Icelandic agreement), and concludes that they are deeply, perhaps fatally, flawed. While Chomsky’s version of AGREE is far from providing a complete and satisfactory theory of agreement, it has yet to be shown that it can be eliminated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Rose Deal

I argue that attitude reports de re arise compositionally via two distinct LF mechanisms. One mechanism allows the res to remain inside the embedded clause syntactically, and does not treat the res as an argument of the attitude verb semantically (Percus & Sauerland 2003, Ninan 2012). The other involves the res semantically serving as an argument of the attitude verb, and syntactically occupying a distinctive res position external to the embedded clause (Heim 1994). I show that both LF mechanisms are made use of by a single natural language, Nez Perce, and that Nez Perce allows the distinctive res position to be filled by covert movement (res-movement) or by base-generation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 180
Author(s):  
An Duy Nguyen ◽  
Géraldine Legendre

Besides fronted information-seeking questions, English also allows for two types of wh-in-situ ones: echo questions, which are used to request a repetition or a clarification of a previous utterance, and probing questions, which are often used in quiz shows, classroom settings, and child-directed speech to “prompt” the addressee for an answer. An acceptability judgment task shows that PQs with multiple wh-phrases get a significantly lower acceptability score than echo questions with multiple wh-phrases despite their similarity in surface structure, which suggests a syntactic difference below the surface. Independent syntactic evidence confirms the result and further suggests that while echo questions involve no syntactic movement (Dayal, 1996), probing questions involve covert wh-movement.


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