Look at Detroit: The United Auto Workers and the Battle to Organize Volkswagen in Chattanooga

Labor History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 482-502
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin
Author(s):  
Mark Slobin

This chapter surveys the institutions and movements that brought together the city’s musical life with the aim of merging disparate styles, trends, and personnel. First comes the auto industry, based on archival sources from Ford and General Motors that show how the companies deployed music for worker morale and company promotion. The complementary work of labor follows, through the United Auto Workers’ songs. Next comes the counterculture’s musical moment in the age of the folk revival and the artist collectives of the 1950s–1960s. Motown offers a special case of African American entrepreneurial merging of musical talent and style. The chapter closes with a look at the media—radio and newspapers—with their influential role in bringing audiences together, through music, in a city known for segregation, oppressive policing, and occasional outbursts of violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 94-124
Author(s):  
Paul Matzko

Under orders from President John F. Kennedy and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) tightened the regulatory screws on conservative broadcasters. The IRS launched the “Ideological Organizations Project” to challenge the tax-exempt status of conservative broadcasters and to stem the flow of donations. The FCC strengthened its “Fairness Doctrine” rules, which required radio stations to ensure politically balanced discussion of public policy and to give free response time to victims of personal attacks made on the air. The United Auto Workers financed the creation of an opposition research clearing house, Group Research Inc., that compiled dossiers of damaging information on conservative broadcasters and politicians. The White House also organized a front organization, the Citizens Committee for a Nuclear Test Ban, to gain free, pro-administration airtime from radio stations that aired conservative critiques of the proposed treaty.


1995 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-390
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Jacobson ◽  
James Walline

In this paper we review the evolution of the Quality Educator Program (QEP), a program sponsored by the United Auto Workers (UAW)/General Motors (GM) that employs school teachers, administrators, and college and university faculty each summer in GM assembly plants. The QEP provides educators and those in industry the unique opportunity to interact and observe one another in a common workplace for a 4–6 week time period. Participation in the QEP allows educators the chance to observe first-hand the UAW/GM's use of “quality networks.” We argue that quality networks hold promise for improving the day-to-day operation of public schools by allowing new and better relationships to develop among educational professionals, and between educators and the communities they serve. Implicit in this work is the fact that a larger community is being developed, a community of labor and management from industry working closely with educators to improve the quality of public education for their mutual benefit. To better understand the implications of this emerging community, a brief review of conceptual differences in the dominant social relationships characteristic of communities as compared to organizations is developed from Tonnies’ (1887) distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft societal types, Sergiovanni's (1993) distinction between organization and community as dominant school metaphors, and Maxwell's (1994) and distinction between similarity and contiguity as modes of relationship central to community solidarity.


Author(s):  
Daniel J Clark

It is conventional wisdom that because of lucrative contracts negotiated by the United Auto Workers (UAW) under Walter Reuther's leadership, most autoworkers in the U.S. enjoyed steady work, increasing wages, and improved benefits in the postwar boom following World War II. In short, autoworkers entered the middle class. In contrast, this book argues that for Detroit autoworkers there was no postwar boom. Instead, the years from 1945 to 1960 were dominated by job instability and economic insecurity. This argument is based largely on oral history interviews and research in local newspapers, which covered the auto industry extensively. Conditions were worse for African Americans and white women, but almost all autoworkers experienced precarious, often dire circumstances. Recessions, automation, decentralization, and the collapse of independent automakers in Detroit are part of the story, but materials shortages, steel, coal, and copper strikes, parts supplier strikes, wildcat strikes, overproduction (especially in 1955), hot weather, cold weather, plant explosions, age, race, and gender workplace discrimination, and the inability of autoworkers to afford new cars contributed to instability and insecurity. Hardly anyone in the 1950s—whether ordinary autoworkers, union leaders, auto company executives, business analysts, or local shopkeepers—thought that the decade was marked by steady work, improving wages, or anything resembling predictable income for autoworkers.


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