Rearming for the Korean war: The impact of government policy on Leyland motors and the British car industry

1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-367
Author(s):  
Peter Burnham
Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer

This book chronicles and assesses the little-known involvement of US diplomat George F. Kennan—renowned as an expert on the Soviet Union—in US policy toward East Asia, primarily in the early Cold War years. Kennan, with vital assistance from his deputy John Paton Davies, played pivotal roles in effecting the US withdrawal from the Chinese civil war and the redirection of American occupation policy in Japan, and in developing the “defensive perimeter” concept in the western Pacific. His influence, however, faded soon thereafter: he was less successful in warning against US security commitments in Korea and Indochina, and the impact of the Korean War ultimately eclipsed his strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. This was due in large part to Kennan’s inability to reconcile his judgment that the mainland of East Asia was strategically expendable to the United States with his belief that US prestige should not be compromised there. The book examines the subsequent evolution of Kennan’s thinking about East Asian issues—including his role as a prominent critic of US involvement in the Vietnam War—and the legacies of his engagement with the region.


2020 ◽  
pp. 77-99
Author(s):  
Huw Dylan ◽  
David V. Gioe ◽  
Michael S. Goodman

The chapter is concerned with the CIA’s intelligence relationships with key international partners – the Five Eyes – and wrinkles in the relationship. Despite being extremely robust in general, there were difficulties. China was a notable exception; Britain and the US had fundamentally different policies. Korea was another. The chapter illustrates the impact this had on intelligence sharing. It then goes on to detail the paucity of CIA analysis concerning Korea, and why this was the case. Documents: Minutes of the British Joint Intelligence Committee 24 August 1949; CIA’s Current Capabilities of the Northern Korea Regime.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-27
Author(s):  
Kayla Vasilko ◽  

There are currently 17.42 million veterans living in America today. These heroes dedicated their services in World War II, the Korean War, Vietnam War, and the Gulf War, leaving home and giving up the comforts of stability, family, and guaranteed safety to ensure that America remains a stable and safe place for individuals and families to call home, yet upon returning home themselves, our nation’s veterans have had to face immense hardships. About 40,000 veterans are without shelter in the U.S. on any given night; some of the leading causes of veteran homelessness include PTSD, social isolation, unemployment, and substance abuse. This is why programs such as the Porter County Veteran’s Treatment Court (PVTC), Folds of Honor, Southshore Friends of Veterans, and Disabled American Veterans designed to support our nation’s veterans are so important for our community. This reflection details my research into each one of these Northwest Indiana organizations. In this account, I illustrate the impact of dozens of one-on-one interviews with the heroes running these programs, and veterans a part of these programs themselves. A special focus is placed on the results of the Purdue University Service-Learning grant received on behalf of the PVTC within that treatment community. During interviews, veteran Bob Carnegy stated: “People don’t understand the meaning of the word veteran. Each one is special, yet connected. No matter what branch they serve, each veteran had to raise their right hand and pledge their life to this country. That pledge is what connects us all.” Going off of his words, this reflection marks an overall goal of increasing awareness for the great acts of service our veterans perform, not just overseas, but also when they return home to the community.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hays Gries ◽  
Jennifer L. Prewitt-Freilino ◽  
Luz-Eugenia Cox-Fuenzalida ◽  
Qingmin Zhang

Chinese and Korean protests over “revisionist” Japanese histories of World War II are well known. The impact of contested Chinese and US histories of the Korean War on US-China relations today has received less attention. More broadly, there has been little research seeking to systematically explore just how history textbook controversies matter for international relations. This article experimentally manipulates the impact of nation (US/China), of source (in-group/out-group textbooks), and of valence (positive/negative historical narratives) on measures of beliefs about the past, emotions, collective self-esteem, and threat perception in present-day US-China relations. A 2 × 2 × 2 design exposed randomized groups of Chinese and US university students to fictional high school history textbook accounts of the Korean War. Findings reveal significant effects of nation, source, and valence and suggest that the “historical relevance” of a shared past to national identities in the present has a dramatic impact on how historical controversies affect threat perception.


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 506-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Udo Merkel

There is little doubt that the globalization process has developed unevenly across time and space. This is most pronounced in the context of North Korea, one of the very few remaining communist societies, which has been isolated from the rest of the world since the end of the Korean War in 1953. This paper explores the impact of globalization on sport and physical culture in North Korea. Although North Korea categorically rejects globalization, justified by its Juche policy, its response to the globalization of sport is more differentiated, multifaceted, state controlled, and ranges from stubborn resistance to wholehearted embracement. The paper argues that North Korea’s historical trajectory, national needs and interests, and the ethnic nationalism prevalent in that society shape this reaction to globalization.


2018 ◽  
pp. 183-198
Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer

This chapter discusses how the impact of the Korean War undermined and ultimately destroyed Kennan’s strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. It led to the US militarization of Japan; US security commitments in Korea, Taiwan, Indochina, and the Philippines; and a hardening of US policy toward Communist China—all of which he had opposed. The net result was the application in East Asia of a version of Kennan’s own containment doctrine that he did not support. The final tragic casualty was Davies himself: the chapter describes how McCarthyism and charges of Communist sympathies led unjustly to Davies’s dismissal from the State Department, and the impact this had on Kennan.


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