Changing Concepts of Citizenship: Gender, Empire, and Class - Women and the People: Authority, Authorship and the Radical Tradition in Nineteenth-Century England. By Helen Rogers. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2000. Pp. vii+342. $79.95 (cloth). - Defining the Victorian Nation: Class, Race, Gender and the Reform Act of 1867. Edited by Catherine Hall, Keith McClelland, and Jane Rendall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+303. $70.00 (cloth); $25.00 (paper). - Women's Suffrage in the British Empire: Citizenship, Nation and Race. Edited by Ian Christopher Fletcher, Laura E. Nym Mayhall, and Philippa Levine. London: Routledge, 2000. Pp. xxii+252. $95.00 (cloth).

2003 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Clark
1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Taft Manning

Patterns of historical writing are notoriously difficult to change. Much of what is still being written about colonial administration in the nineteenth-century British Empire rests on the partisan and even malicious writings of critics of the Government in England in the 1830s and '40s who had never seen the colonial correspondence and were unfamiliar with existing conditions in the distant colonies. The impression conveyed in most textbooks is that the Colonial Office after 1815 was a well-established bureaucracy concerned with the policies of the mother country in the overseas possessions, and that those policies changed very slowly and only under pressure. Initially Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Charles Buller were responsible for this Colonial Office legend, but it was soon accepted by most of the people who had business to transact there. Annoyed by the fact that the measures proposed by the Wakefield group did not meet with instant acceptance, Wakefield and Buller attacked the Permanent Under-Secretary, James Stephen, as the power behind the throne in 14 Downing Street and assumed that his ideas of right and wrong were being imposed willy-nilly on the unfortunate colonists and would-be colonists.The picture of Stephen as all-powerful in shaping imperial policy was probably strengthened by the publication in 1885 of Henry Taylor's Autobiography. Taylor was one of Stephen's warmest admirers and had served with him longer than anyone else; when he stated that for a quarter of a century Stephen “more than any one man virtually governed the British Empire,” historians were naturally inclined to give credence to his words.


Author(s):  
Maria A. Windell

Transamerican Sentimentalism concludes by returning to the 1880s and exploring how the mode translates not only across the US–Mexico border but also through language. The coda juxtaposes an 1878 suffragist document that maligns “the Mexicans, Half-Breeds and ignorant, vicious men [who] voted solid against women’s suffrage in Colorado” with Helen Hunt Jackson’s 1884 novel Ramona and José Martí’s 1888 translation thereof. Given their associations with nineteenth-century reform movements, it is perhaps unsurprising that these distinct yet varied documents use sentimentalism to generate connective possibilities. Yet the coda notes how they each also use the mode as a tool of dispossession. Within this contradiction lie the contingent, disjunctive, and anachronistic accumulations that define transamerican sentimentalism—and that open powerful alternative possibilities for hemispheric connection.


Author(s):  
Linda M. Grasso

This chapter compares two 1915 issues of The Crisis and The Masses that focused on women’s suffrage as a way of identifying similarities, differences, and cross-periodical dialogues between black and white justice-seeking communities, both of which deemed advocating women’s suffrage important to their projects and audiences. The Crisis and The Masses spoke to gender-integrated audiences, included women as editors and contributors, and created public spaces for protest, outrage, and affirmation that countered dominant culture beliefs. Focusing on their words, images, argumentation, and advertisements, this study situates these two special issues in the contexts of debates about women’s suffrage, women’s rights, and feminism, as well as within the fraught conflicts between the nineteenth-century abolitionist and Black freedom movements and the women’s rights movement. Comparing the contents of both issues makes clear that considering race in gendered radicalism and gender in race radicalism are essential when examining suffrage media rhetoric.


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