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Aide Esu ◽  
Simone Maddanu

This chapter mainly points out how militarization as a bureaucratic and discursive “apparatus” results in a colonial modernization. Furthermore, the chapter establishes a direct link between military settlements – by various occupations – and a narrative of modernization and modernity. Both military protocols and the scope of the military activities contribute to a form of colonization and dependence, economically as well as culturally. Militarization is a wider concept involving at least two dimensions: the economic and political factors sustaining the expansion of military spending; and the social, cultural, and ideological dimension. However, the master narrative of modernization clashes with rising claims to autonomy in the local population that assert an alternative modernity.

Silvia Gallucci ◽  
Serena Fiocchi ◽  
Marta Bonato ◽  
Emma Chiaramello ◽  
Gabriella Tognola ◽  

(1) Background: Radiofrequency radiations are used in most devices in current use and, consequently, the assessment of the human exposure to the radiofrequency radiations has become an issue of strong interest. Even if in the military field there is wide use of radiofrequency devices, a clear picture on the exposure assessment to the electromagnetic field of the human beings in the military scenario is still missing. (2) Methods: a review of the scientific literature regarding the assessment of the exposure of the military personnel to the RF specific to the military environment, was performed. (3) Results: the review has been performed grouping the scientific literature by the typology of military devices to which the military personnel can be exposed to. The military devices have been classified in four main classes, according to their intended use: communication devices, localization/surveillance devices, jammers and EM directed-energy weapons. (4) Discussion and Conclusions: The review showed that in the exposure conditions here evaluated, there were only occasional situations of overexposure, whereas in the majority of the conditions the exposure was below the worker exposure limits. Nevertheless, the limited number of studies and the lack of exposure assessment studies for some devices prevent us to draw definitive conclusions and encourage further studies on military exposure assessment.

2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-369
O. M. Pisareva

Purpose: of the article is to substantiate conceptual approaches to the formation of a toolkit for assessing the effectiveness of participants in the development and implementation of diversifcation programs for enterprises of the military-industrial complex in the context of digital transformation of management.Methods: the research methodology is based on general economic approaches to studying the problems of the efciency of economic activity of economic entities and special approaches to the formation of complex systems for analyzing and assessing the effectiveness and efciency of the activities of project management participants in the process of developing and implementing programs for the diversifcation of the defense industry. The basis of the methodology is the concept of performance management in the context of digital transformation of management.Results: the article presents the key provisions and the main results of the study, obtained on the basis of studying the materials of scientific publications and open information sources in the subject area under consideration using the methods of logical, content and statistical analysis. Based on the specifcs of diversifcation programs, it is proposed to use the provisions of the performance management concept as a theoretical basis for the formation of a tool for assessing the activities of their participants. An integral multiplicative criterion of efciency for a comprehensive assessment of activities is proposed. It is built on the indicators of fve aspects of assessing the performance of participants in diversifcation programs. These aspects assess the completenes s of the organizational and methodological support of the diversification process, the consolidated effectiveness and efciency of the program activities, the quality of management, as well as the fnancial security of the implementation of the diversifcation program activities.Conclusions and Relevance: a scenario approach to substantiating the parameters of the incentive mechanism in the model of coordinated activity of the participants in the implementation of the diversifcation program is proposed, which takes into account the assessment of its commercial parameters. The results presented in the article are useful in the development of methodological support for assessing the effectiveness and organizing incentives for participants in diversifcation programs in the context of the formation of a digital ecosystem for managing enterprises of the military-industrial complex.

А.Э. Титков

Статья посвящена т. н. «русскому фактору» в период после окончания Первой мировой войны и до 1920г. Революционные события в России радикально изменили внешнеполитическую ситуацию на европейском театре и одновременно стали оказывать серьезное влияние на внутреннюю повестку стран участниц конфликта, благодаря активной политике Советской России по продвижению революционных идей и поддержке революционных движений в Европе. Подобная практика была вызвана не столько искренним желанием раздуть революционный пожар и безусловной верой в его возможность, сколько необходимостью физического выживания молодого «пролетарского государства» во враждебном капиталистическом окружении. В статье подробно рассматривается идеологическая подоплека внешней политики Советской России в это период и деятельность на этом поприще ее вождя В.И. Ленина, его попытки повлиять на общественно-политические процессы в Германии, Венгрии и Польше, а также анализируются изменения в идеологической повестке большевиков после провала советской политики по созданию плацдармов для продвижения революции в центральную Европу. Также в статье обращается внимание на то, что за внешней ширмой буржуазной революции в России явно проступают признаки целенаправленной политики по удалению с карты Европы и Азии империй — Османской, Германской, Австро-Венгерской и Российской, чему предшествовала активная компания по девальвации самих монархических институтов. Большевистская же политика по полному демонтажу прежней системы, несмотря на внешнюю враждебность идеологических установок, оказалась вполне приемлемой для тех, кто стремился не допустить пересборки Центральных держав. The article deals with the influence of the so-called Russian factor in the events following the end of the First World War up until 1920. The revolution in Russia radically changed the situation in Europe, having a major impact on the domestic and foreign policies of the belligerent nations, caused by active Soviet support for revolutionary movements in Europe. This practice stemmed not from a sincere desire to fan the revolutionary flames but rather from the survival instinct of the newly-established proletarian state, surrounded by hostile capitalistic countries. The article examines the ideological motivations behind Soviet Russia's foreign policy during this period and the activities of its leader, Vladimir Lenin, as well as his attempts to influence social and political processes in Germany, Hungary, and Poland. The study also analyzes the changes in the ideological agenda of the Bolsheviks after the failure of Soviet policy to create springboards for the advancement of the revolution into Central Europe. Moreover, the paper points out that the smokescreen of the revolution in Russia reveals clear signs of a concerted effort to wipe the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Russian Empire from the map of Europe and Asia, preceded by an active campaign aimed at undermining the monarchic institutions themselves. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik policy that sought to completely dismantle the old regime, despite the hostility of its ideology, eventually proved perfectly acceptable for those who aimed to prevent the Central Powers from rising up again.

2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-144
Albrecht Classen

As terrible as wars have always been, for the losers as well as for the winners, considering the massive killings, destruction, and general horror resulting from it all, poets throughout time have responded to this miserable situation by writing deeply moving novels, plays, poems, epic poems, and other works. The history of Germany, above all, has been filled with a long series of wars, but those have also been paralleled by major literary works describing those wars, criticizing them, and outlining the devastating consequences, here disregarding those narratives that deliberately idealized the military events. While wars take place on the ground and affect people, animals, objects, and nature at large, poets have always taken us to imaginary worlds where they could powerfully reflect on the causes and outcomes of the brutal operations. This paper takes into view some major German works from the early fifteenth through the early twentieth century in order to identify a fundamental discourse that makes war so valuable for history and culture, after all. Curiously, as we will recognize through a comparative analysis, some of the worst conditions in human history have produced some of the most aesthetically pleasing and most meaningful artistic or literary texts. So, as this paper will illustrate, the experience of war, justified or not, has been a cornerstone of medieval, early modern, and modern literature. However, it is far from me to suggest that we would need wars for great literature to emerge. On the contrary, great literature serves as the public conscience fighting against wars and the massive violence resulting from it.

Вячеслав Александрович Иванов

Статья посвящена проблеме анализа материально-технического обеспечения в годы Великой Отечественной войны партизан и подпольщиков Крыма, которая недостаточно изучена в отечественной историографии. На основе вводимых в научный оборот неопубликованных материалов из фондов Государственного архива Республики Крым автор исследует причины, побудившие Совет Народных Комиссаров Крымской АССР и военное командование Северо-Кавказского фронта организовать помощь «народным мстителям». В статье рассмотрены основные мероприятия Крымского обкома ВКП(б) по оказанию помощи антифашистскому сопротивлению: подготовка баз снабжения, авиационной техники, летного состава, подвоз продовольствия, организация аэродромов. Акцентируется внимание на факторе содействия советских ВВС в перевозке участников разведывательно-диверсионных и подпольных организаций с баз Северного Кавказа на территорию оккупированного Крыма и в передаче секретной информации в расположение советского командования. Автор приходит к выводу, что благодаря проводимым советским руководством мероприятиям был организован мощный воздушный мост между Северным Кавказом и партизанскими базами Крыма. Это позволило обеспечить партизан и подпольщиков Крыма необходимыми запасами продовольствия, медикаментов, оружия, боеприпасов в переломный момент Великой Отечественной войны. The paper is devoted to the problem of analyzing the material support during the Great Patriotic War of the partisans and underground fighters of the Crimea, which has not been sufficiently studied in Russian historiography. On the basis of unpublished materials from the funds of the State Archives of the Republic of Crimea introduced into scientific circulation, the author examines the reasons that prompted the Council of People’s Commissars of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the military command of the North Caucasian Front to organize the help for the “people’s avengers”. The publication discusses the main activities of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks to provide assistance to the anti-fascist Resistance: the preparation of supply bases, aircraft, flight personnel, the supply of food, the organization of airfields. Attention is focused on the factor of assistance of the Soviet Air Force in the transportation of members of reconnaissance, sabotage and underground organizations from the bases of the North Caucasus to the territory of the occupied Crimea, and in the transfer of classified information to the location of the Soviet command. The author arrives at the conclusion that thanks to the measures carried out by the Soviet leadership, a powerful air bridge was organized between the North Caucasus and the partisan airfields of the Crimea. This made it possible to provide the partisans and underground fighters of the Crimea with the necessary supplies of food, medicines, weapons, ammunition at the turning point of the Great Patriotic War.

2022 ◽  
Serica J Hallstead

ABSTRACT On the surface, the Commissioning Oath and modernized Hippocratic Oath can contradict one another. This piece aims to provide a foundation upon which trainees and providers can grapple with dueling obligations as they stand in the crosshairs of the intersection between medicine and the military.

2022 ◽  
pp. 223386592110729
Uwomano Benjamin Okpevra

The Isoko, like other peoples of Nigeria, played significant roles in the historical process and evolution of Nigeria and should be acknowledged as such. The paper teases out much more clearly—and, more importantly, the multiple stages of the British expansion into Isoko. That is, how does that multi-stage, multi-phase process affect how we think more broadly about British colonial expansion in Africa in the 19th century? The paper deposes that the Isoko as a people did not accept British rule until the “punitive expedition” to the area in 1911 brought the whole of the Isoko country under British control. This is done within the context of the military conquest and subjugation of the people, colonial prejudices, and the resulting social economic, and political changes. The paper deploying both primary and secondary data highlights the role played by the Isoko in resisting British penetration into and subjugation of their country between 1896 and 1911. The year 1896 marked the beginning of British formal contact with the Isoko when the first treaty was signed with Owe (Owhe), while 1911 was when the Isoko were conquered by the British and brought under British control.

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-80
Z. A. Kokoshina

The Central Asian region due to its economic potential and strategic signifi -cance has traditionally been of particular importance for Russia’s foreign policy. It was therefore not surprising that a serious deterioration of the political situation in Afghanistan in summer-autumn 2021 caused by the military defeat and the subsequent collapse of the pro-Western regime followed by the seizure of power by the Taliban raised serious concern of the Russian leadership. The developments in Afghanistan have attracted an increasing attention of the expert community, prompting a fl urry of comments and forecasts. Although many of these papers were published hastily, their assessments and conclusion were usually based on the long-term observations. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the military-political situation in the Central Asian region as it was caught by a new crisis in Afghanistan and as it is seen by both Russian and foreign experts. The fi rst section outlines positions and interests of the key regional and non-regional actors that have a signifi cant impact on the military-political situation in Central Asia. The second section examines the response of the Russian Federation to the situation in Afghanistan after the Taliban took power. Finally, the third section provides an overview of the latest expert comments and reports that attempt to assess possible implications of those events for the regional military-political dynamics and the national security interests of the Russian Federation.

2022 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 35-70
Aleksandra Julia Leinwand

In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.

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