Robert V. Remini. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822–1832. Volume 2. New York: Harper and Row. 1981. Pp. xvi, 469. $20.00

Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathon Keats

There’s an apocryphal story, still in circulation, that the word OK was made up by President Andrew Jackson. According to the tale, Jackson used the letters when he was a major general in the War of 1812, marking his approval on papers with initials abbreviating the words oll korrect . “The Gen. was never good at spelling,” the Boston Atlas dryly concluded, recounting the story in August 1840. By that time Old Hickory, as Jackson was known, had served his eight years as president, and his successor, Martin Van Buren, was running for a second term. A native of Kinderhook, New York, Van Buren appealed to the Jacksonian vote with the nickname Old Kinderhook, using the initials O. K. as a political slogan. His Whig Party rivals sought, successfully, to turn his populist appeal into a liability by calling attention to Jackson’s alleged semiliteracy. By a sort of logical doggerel endemic in American politics, Old Kinderhook’s slogan became a symbol of his ignorance. The true origin of OK , as the American lexicographer Allen Walker Read skillfully uncovered in 1963, was much closer to the Atlas’s editorial offices. The letters did stand for oll korrect, but the spelling was no accident. The coinage almost certainly came from the waggish editor of the Boston Morning Post , Charles Gordon Greene, who was at the center of what Read characterizes as “a remarkable vogue of using abbreviations” beginning in the year 1838. The Morning Post was full of them, generally used with a touch of irony, as in the mock dignity of O.F.M. (our first men), or a fit of whimsy, as in the pure zaniness of G.T. (gone to Texas). It was only a matter of months before the fad turned to creative misspelling, a source of humor then as it was in Mark Twain’s time. There was N.C. (nuff said) and N.Y. (no yuse), as well as O.W. (oll wright). The first known appearance of OK followed that pattern.


2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN McGUIRE

In October 1844, on returning to the United States after the four years at sea which became the basis of the majority of his early novels, Herman Melville discovered that his elder brother Gansevoort had become a political orator of national notoriety and a major figure in the Democratic presidential campaign of that year. Gansevoort Melville's political preferences, as widely reported in the newspapers of the day, were for a post-Jacksonian populism which denounced the aristocratic foppery of the Whigs and urged the immediate annexation of Texas in the name of free, white labor. His patriotic invocations of the virtues of salt-of-the-earth republicanism and the American workingman were, that year at least, hardly matched. Described in contemporary reports as “the orator of the human race” and “the great New York orator” he addressed audiences of thousands throughout New York State and at Democratic meetings as far afield as Tennessee and Ohio. He coined the respectful, evocative and adhesive nickname “Young Hickory” for James Polk the Democrat's presidential candidate and in August made a symbolic visit to the ailing Andrew Jackson. According to Hershel Parker, Melville's most recent and most exhaustive biographer, Herman spent the final days of the campaign with his brother probably participating in a huge torchlight procession through Manhattan and listening to his climactic election-night address in Newark, New Jersey.


2018 ◽  
pp. 40-44
Author(s):  
Eric M. Freedman

Utilizing primarily cases from the War of 1812, this Chapter illustrates the power and limitations of the writ in restraining government. Positive examples include state habeas challenges to military enlistments in the period prior to Tarble’s Case and Ableman v. Booth, including one decided in the Massachusetts Supreme Court against General Thomas H. Cushing, and New York Chief Justice James Kent’s order that General Morgan Lewis release alleged spy Samuel Stacy. Negative ones include the defiance of the writ by General Andrew Jackson in the period surrounding the Battle of New Orleans. Events began with the expulsion of French counsel Louis de Tousard. When Louisiana legislator Louis Louailler protested, Jackson had him arrested. Lawyer Pierre L. Morel sought habeas corpus from Louisiana Supreme Court Justice Francois-Xavier Martin (denied) and prohibition and habeas corpus from federal Judge Dominick A. Hall (latter granted). Jackson arrested Hall. When United States Attorney John Dick obtained a state habeas writ Jackson arrested Dick and ordered the judge’s arrest. Jackson was fined by Hall for contempt but ultimately reimbursed by Congress. George Washington respected the writ but it was ever vulnerable to defiance, evasion or legislative suspension. Although valuable, it could not be relied on exclusively.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document