Forced Migration and Political Violence

Author(s):  
Kerstin Fisk

There has been renewed academic interest in the security impacts of forced migration since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011 generated more than 5 million refugees, most of whom fled to neighboring countries and to Europe. Researchers are, for instance, increasingly working to identify how the type, severity, and perpetrator of political violence affect patterns of displacement, such as whether forced migrants cross borders or remain in their home country. Though much of the discussion in the security studies context continues to center on forced migration flows as a conduit for civil war, international terrorism, and refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) as perpetrators, scholars also have begun to focus attention on the ways in which refugees and the internally displaced can become the targets of political violence in the receiving state. Following the path of earlier qualitative research recognizing that displaced populations rarely become militarized, studies of a more quantitative orientation are now working to isolate the conditions under which forced migration leads to varying forms of political violence. Another important and growing area of focus is on how resettlement of the displaced affects the dynamics of violence in the origin country, including the potential for conflict recurrence. Efforts to study security impacts of forced migration more systematically have increased alongside the availability of new data and more diverse analytical tools and methods. Still, many important dimensions of the forced migration–conflict connection remain to be explored, and innovative research as well as new data collection efforts are necessary. Integrating insights from other fields, including economics, psychology, and sociology, and returning to the task of theory-building based on case-study research offer a promising path forward.

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-440

Forced migration has come to be the defining feature of the contemporary Middle East, a region that is both the source of and host to some of the largest forcibly displaced populations in the world. In 2015, 65 percent of the world's 19.4 million refugees—including the 5.5 million Palestinian refugees—as well as 30 percent of the world's thirty-eight million internally displaced persons were in the Middle East, while one out of every four refugees worldwide was from Syria. Seeking security and stability, millions of people from the region are on the move within and across social spaces that are at once strange and familiar, and in which they themselves are familiar and strange to others. In 2015, Turkey became host to the world's largest refugee population of over two million, while Zaʿatari camp in Jordan has grown rapidly to become one of the world's largest camps since the Syrian civil war began. With 7.6 million people—or 35 percent of the population—internally displaced, Syria now has the highest number of internally displaced persons in the world. Iraq has produced multiple overlapping displacements, resulting in one of the largest refugee resettlement programs of the past decade. Thousands of Syrians, Libyans, and Iraqis have undertaken perilous journeys across the Mediterranean Sea to seek asylum in Europe and elsewhere. Palestinian refugees are now in a fourth generation of exile, making their plight the longest running unresolved refugee situation in the world.


SAGE Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402091953
Author(s):  
Oluwaseyi Emmanuel Ogunnowo ◽  
Felix Chidozie

This article interrogates the legality of American interventions in the Syrian conflict. The Syrian civil war stands as one of the most controversial conflicts of the 21st century, owing to the mass destruction of lives and properties and the multiplicity of interventions which have created numerous strands of the conflict. The United States as one of the intervening powers has shown support for the rebel forces geared at toppling the Assad government. The research adopts the qualitative method and utilizes the case study research design. The research makes use of secondary data as derived from academic journals, books, book chapters, newspapers, and so on and analyzes these data through the use of thematic analysis. The findings of the study reveal that the interventions of the United States are not legal. The study also finds that the United States possesses certain strategic interests in the Syrian conflict which it aims to achieve.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 1112-1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemarie Rogers

The number of forced migrants—recognized refugees, persons in “refugeelike” situations, and internally displaced—is estimated today to exceed 40 million. The changed international climate of the 1990s (a renewed emphasis on human rights; broader concepts of national security; and the profound political changes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union) has shifted the focus from the asylum and resettlement countries to the countries of origin: there is today a greater willingness to intervene in other countries’ affairs either to avert the creation of new flows of focused migrants or to assist internally displaced populations, and there is the expectation of large-scale voluntary returns of refugees in asylum. This article discusses these and other policy issues concerning forced migration in this new international environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel N. Chambers ◽  
Joseph A. Tabor

Historically leishmaniasis is most prevalent in established urban centres but this research shows that refugees and, most significantly, internally displaced persons are now commonly in areas characterized by the presence of fly habitats potentially leading to higher prominence of Leishmania infection. Areas engulfed by the Syrian civil war has thus caused the dispersal of humans into previously unpopulated areas amid habitats of the sand fly Phlebotomus papatasi that hosts the parasite Leishmania. The addition of new places of exposure to this disease add to difficulties with respect to diagnosis as well as provision of care and treatment. We used geospatial methodology adapting it to remotely identifying and analyzing sand fly habitats with the aim of measuring how common it is. Our methodology helps avoid the issue of resolution in satellite imagery by measuring likelihood rather than strictly known locations. We followed up this information with spatial analysis identifying which civilian populations are most prone to sand fly exposure, and therefore leishmaniasis, due to their geographical situation. Our results suggest that those most likely to be exposed to Leishmania are internally displaced persons, those camps less likely to receive medical relief and typically having temporary residents migrating elsewhere.


Author(s):  
Ayşe Betül Çelik

The growing number of civil wars in the post-Cold War era has been accompanied by a rising number of forcibly displaced people, who either stay within the borders of their own countries, becoming internally displaced persons (IDPs), or cross borders to become refugees. Although many studies have been conducted on the reasons of conflict-induced displacement, various questions remain of interest for the scholars of international relations, especially questions pertaining but not limited to the (a) gendered aspects of conflict, displacement, and peace processes, (b) predicting possible future displacement zones, and (c) best political and social designs for returnee communities in post-civil war contexts. Most studies still focus on the negative consequences of forced migration, undermining how refugees and IDPs can also contribute to the cultural and political environment of the receiving societies. Considering that there is a huge variation in types of conflict, motivations for violence, and the resulting patterns of displacement within the category of civil war, more research on the actors forcing displacement, their intentions, and subsequent effects on return dynamics can benefit research in this field. Similarly, research on return and reconciliation needs to treat displacement and return as a continuum. Paying attention to conflict parties in civil war bears the potential for new areas of exploration whose outcomes can also shed light on policies for post-civil war construction and intergroup reconciliation.


Significance Zamili's remarks appear to signal Iraqi government concerns that the US-led international air campaign against the group is not going well. The effectiveness of airstrikes has been constrained by poor intelligence and strict rules of engagement; efforts to support local ground forces are at a standstill; and Iraqi offensive operations have virtually ground to a halt. Impacts Russia's strong intervention into Syria will not break the stalemate in either the fight against ISG or the Syrian civil war. The huge costs of a protracted campaign against ISG will further weaken Iraq's medium-term fiscal outlook. ISG's survival will limit Syrian Kurdish ambitions to establish a contiguous territory across northern Syria. It will also contain Syrian rebel forces, ensuring that the stalemate in the Syrian civil war continues. Continued flow of foreign fighters to Iraq and Syria will ensure international terrorism threat persist over the long term.


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