Black, Jeremiah Sullivan (1810-1883), U.S. attorney general, U.S. secretary of state, and attorney

Author(s):  
Frederick J. Blue
Author(s):  
Richard B. Collins ◽  
Dale A. Oesterle ◽  
Lawrence Friedman

This chapter looks at Article IV of the Colorado Constitution, which defines the executive department. By providing for the separate election of the secretary of state, treasurer, and attorney general, Section 1 seems to divide executive branch authority. In practice, this tension has mattered only when the attorney general and governor belonged to different political parties, and the attorney general asserted a legal position opposed by the governor. Section 1 imposes term limits on the state’s elective executives. Section 11 gives the governor the usual veto power followed by Section 12, giving the special power of the line-item veto over appropriations bills. Section 13 has complex provisions for succession if the governor’s office becomes vacant during a term.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Richard W. Flournoy

It is to be hoped that one of the first measures to which Congress will give its attention during the next session will be the bill (H. R. 6127) “To revise and codify the nationality laws of the United States into a comprehensive nationality code.” This bill was introduced by the Honorable Samuel Dickstein, Chairman of the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization of the House of Representatives, May 3,1939. It embodies a draft nationality code, which was prepared under the direction of a committee composed of the Secretary of State, the Attorney General and the Secretary of Labor, in pursuance of an Executive Order of April 25, 1933. The cabinet committee submitted its report June 1, 1938, upon the basis of extensive studies and conferences by officials of the three Departments, and the report was submitted to Congress with a message of the President dated June 13, 1938.


Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

On June 2, 1919, bombs exploded in eight cities in the United States, including at the doorstep of the home of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer in Washington, D.C. Mass arrests and deportations brought on by the Red Scare that followed convinced communist parties to go underground, while fears of the Communist International persisted. Two offices in the State Department oversaw the gathering and analysis of intelligence pertaining to Soviet Russia: the Office of the Under Secretary of State and the Division of Eastern European Affairs. The former drew on wartime connections with the British; the latter assessed intelligence gathered by diplomats at posts in Eastern Europe. In the mid-1920s, the State Department’s Office of the Under Secretary of State prepared a study of the global arms trade that comported with intelligence reports from British secret services: an illicit small arms trade flourished even among those countries subjected to international weapons inspectors.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert W. Briggs

On September 3, 1940, President Franklin D. Roosevelt sent to Congress a message in which he stated, in part:I transmit herewith for the information of the Congress notes exchanged between the British Ambassador at Washington and the Secretary of State on September 2, 1940, under which this Government has acquired the right to lease naval and air bases in Newfoundland, and in the islands of Bermuda, the Bahamas, Jamaica, Santa Lucia, Trinidad, and Antigua, and in British Guiana; also a copy of an opinion of the Attorney General, dated August 27, 1940, regarding my authority to consummate this arrangement.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 742-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARC MEREDITH

Federalist democracies often hold concurrent elections for multiple offices. A potential consequence of simultaneously voting for multiple offices that vary with respect to scope and scale is that the personal appeal of candidates in a high-profile race may affect electoral outcomes in less salient races. In this article I estimate the magnitude of such coattail effects from governors onto other concurrently elected statewide executive officers using a unique dataset of county election returns for all statewide executive office elections in the United States from 1987 to 2010. I exploit the disproportionate support that candidates receive from geographically proximate voters, which is often referred to as the friends-and-neighbors vote, to isolate variation in the personal appeal of candidates. I find that a one-percentage-point increase in the personal vote received by a gubernatorial candidate increases the vote share of their party's secretary of state and attorney general candidates by 0.1 to 0.2 percentage points. In contrast, personal votes for a secretary of state or attorney general candidate have no effect on the performance of their party's gubernatorial candidate or other down-ballot candidates.


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