Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angana P. Chatterji ◽  
Thomas Blom Hansen ◽  
Christophe Jaffrelot

In the Introduction, Angana P. Chatterji, Thomas Blom Hansen and Christophe Jaffrelot elaborate on the unparalleled majoritarian turn of politics in India today, its present effects and future impact. The Introduction delimits the ascendance of Hindu nationalist dominance in India via the institutions of state and within civil and political society, and also names the key elements in the contemporary ascendance of Hindu nationalist dominance to establish a majoritarian state in India. The triumph of the BJP in 2014, the article elaborates, brought about two unprecedented events: never had the Hindu nationalist movement won an absolute majority in the Lok Sabha, (the lower house of parliament), and never had this movement, known for its hostility to the personalization of power and its collegial governance, been so influenced by one politician, Narendra Modi. The Introduction outlines the key themes and issues elaborated upon in the interdisciplinary collection that delves into the politics, representations, and aspirations, the aspects and events, and the traumas and dislocations of the seemingly continuous yet structurally reconstituted contemporary experiment to establish a majoritarian state in India.

Significance President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)'s ruling National Regeneration Movement (Morena) succeeded, with its allies, in retaining a majority of seats in the lower house of Congress. It nevertheless lost the two-thirds majority it held previously. Morena appears to have won eleven of 15 gubernatorial elections, meaning it will govern half of Mexico’s states. Impacts As counting ends and appeals are addressed, some results will change, but this will not undermine the elections’ legitimacy. Morena will continue criticising the election body but will struggle to alter electoral laws in ways that could undermine its independence. Morena and its allies will easily pass the 2022 budget, which requires only an absolute majority of congressional votes.


Author(s):  
Alexander Verkhovsky

This chapter examines changes in the Russian nationalist movement from Russia’s annexation of Crimea until the State Duma elections in September 2016. Since 2014, the nationalist movement has been split over which side to support in the war in Ukraine. Then, with the subsequent increase in state repression of ultra-rightists, the movement lapsed into total decline. The chapter traces activities in various sectors of Russian nationalism, discussing the separate trajectories of the pro-Kremlin and oppositional nationalists, as well as the latter group’s further subdivision into groups that support or oppose the ‘Novorossiia programme’. Attention is paid to the complex relationship and interaction between the various groups of nationalists, as well as to their interaction with the powers-that-be and with the liberal opposition.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 1072-1089
Author(s):  
Marie-Eve Reny

Myanmar began a transition in 2011 that ended almost 50 years of military rule. During the transition, a nationalist movement called for protecting Buddhism from an “Islamic threat.” Anti-Islam nationalism was not new in Burmese history, yet the timing of its resurgence deserves attention. I argue that the incumbents’ anticipated electoral weakness in transitional elections was the primary reason for its resurgence. The incumbents sought to maximize societal support, and they faced a strong contender, the National League for Democracy, whose probability of winning was high. Social opposition was also significant by the time military rule ended. In a campaign to pass reforms to better “protect” Buddhism, the incumbents used monks to cast doubt on the NLD’s ability to represent Buddhist interests and to recruit former regime opponents who were nationalists. The incumbents garnered wide support for the reforms, yet it was insufficient for an electoral victory.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bahareh Jozranjbar ◽  
Arni Kristjansson ◽  
Heida Maria Sigurdardottir

While dyslexia is typically described as a phonological deficit, recent evidence suggests that ventral stream regions, important for visual categorization and object recognition, are hypoactive in dyslexic readers who might accordingly show visual recognition deficits. By manipulating featural and configural information of faces and houses, we investigated whether dyslexic readers are disadvantaged at recognizing certain object classes or utilizing particular visual processing mechanisms. Dyslexic readers found it harder to recognize objects (houses), suggesting that visual problems in dyslexia are not completely domain-specific. Mean accuracy for faces was equivalent in the two groups, compatible with domain-specificity in face processing. While face recognition abilities correlated with reading ability, lower house accuracy was nonetheless related to reading difficulties even when accuracy for faces was kept constant, suggesting a specific relationship between visual word recognition and the recognition of non-face objects. Representational similarity analyses (RSA) revealed that featural and configural processes were clearly separable in typical readers, while dyslexic readers appeared to rely on a single process. This occurred for both faces and houses and was not restricted to particular visual categories. We speculate that reading deficits in some dyslexic readers reflect their reliance on a single process for object recognition.


Author(s):  
James Retallack

The long build-up to the Reichstag elections of 1903 produced a dramatic outcome when Social Democrats scored an overwhelming victory. The epithet “Red Saxony” was born overnight, and thereafter it remained a triumphal shout for Social Democrats and a nightmare for their enemies. This chapter begins by examining the 1903 election in its local, regional, and national contexts. The SPD’s organizational strength and élan are considered in light of the shock this election produced. The election also restarted a suffrage reform debate that convulsed Saxon political society until 1909. The Saxon government presented a complicated, hybrid suffrage proposal at the end of 1903. It was torpedoed by the anti-socialist parties in the Landtag. But by 1905 this defense of Saxony’s three-class suffrage had confounded National Liberal attempts to challenge Conservative hegemony, and it fueled further working-class protests.


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