The Russian nationalist movement at low ebb

Author(s):  
Alexander Verkhovsky

This chapter examines changes in the Russian nationalist movement from Russia’s annexation of Crimea until the State Duma elections in September 2016. Since 2014, the nationalist movement has been split over which side to support in the war in Ukraine. Then, with the subsequent increase in state repression of ultra-rightists, the movement lapsed into total decline. The chapter traces activities in various sectors of Russian nationalism, discussing the separate trajectories of the pro-Kremlin and oppositional nationalists, as well as the latter group’s further subdivision into groups that support or oppose the ‘Novorossiia programme’. Attention is paid to the complex relationship and interaction between the various groups of nationalists, as well as to their interaction with the powers-that-be and with the liberal opposition.

Author(s):  
Dustin Gamza ◽  
Pauline Jones

What is the relationship between state repression of religion and political mobilization in Muslim-majority states? Does religious repression increase the likelihood that Muslims will support acts of rebellion against the state? This chapter contends that the effect of repression on attitudes toward political mobilization is conditional on both the degree of enforcement and the type of religious practice that is being targeted. When enforcement is high and the repressive regulation being enforced targets communal (rather than individualistic) religious practices, Muslims expect state persecution of their religious community to increase, and that this persecution will extract a much greater toll. They are thus more willing to support taking political action against the state in order to protect their community from this perceived harm. The chapter tests this argument with two novel survey experiments conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. It finds that the degree of enforcement has a significant effect on attitudes toward political mobilization, but this effect is negative (reducing support) rather than positive (increasing support). The chapter also finds that repression targeting communal practices has a stronger effect on attitudes toward political mobilization than repression targeting individualistic practices, but again, these effects are negative. The chapter’s findings suggest that the fear of collective punishment increases as the degree of enforcement increases, particularly when it comes to repression targeting communal practices. Thus, while Muslims are motivated to protect their community from harm, it may be that the certainty of financial and physical harm outweighs the expectation of increasing religious persecution.


2003 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 395-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Katz

This article explores the development of local religious traditions in post-war Taiwan, particularly since the ending of martial law in 1987. It focuses on the factors underlying the ongoing popularity of temple cults to local deities such as Mazu (originally the goddess of the sea, now worshipped as an all-powerful protective deity) and the Royal Lords (Wangye; plague deities now invoked to counter all manner of calamities). Special attention is devoted to the complex relationship between local community-based religious traditions and the state, including the loosening of restrictions on festivals, the use of temples as sites for political rallies during local elections, and the recent controversy over attempts to stage direct pilgrimages to mainland China. Other issues include debates over the “indigenization” of religious traditions in Taiwan and the growth of academic organizations devoted to the study of Taiwanese religion.


Author(s):  
Sozita Goudouna

This chapter attempts to further illuminate Breath’s complex relationship between a visual art piece and the theatre by examining Beckett’s choice to fill the stage with scattered and lying rubbish as an effort to escape ‘aesthetisised automatism’, and by arguing that the presence of rubbish is related to Beckett’s ‘anti-aesthetic’ and ‘aesthetics of failure’, as described in his final piece of discursive criticism the ‘Three Dialogues’, that implies the failure to represent (to fail means to fail to represent) and the state of artistic impotence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (7) ◽  
pp. 979-1006
Author(s):  
Manzoor Ahmed

The paper examines how an (ethno)nationalist movement developed and took shape in Balochistan in relation to a broader national question that ranges from seeking provincial autonomy within the federation of Pakistan to gaining independence and formation of a separate state of Balochistan. The paper also analyses the estranged relationship of Balochistan with the state of Pakistan against the background of the failure of the state in accommodating the Baloch national aspirations for economic, social and political rights, while adhering to the basic tenets of federalism. The Baloch, who sporadically engaged in armed conflicts with the state after the British left the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, were not merely the pawns of geopolitics. The conflict in Balochistan must also be seen in a greater context of nationalism as an effort of the Baloch elite to achieve more autonomy within the federal structure of Pakistan. The movement for more national autonomy under the slogan of nationalism may be understood as a tool to further consolidate the social, economic and political strengths of the traditional tribal structure of Balochistan, instead of a struggle for economic and political empowerment of the people of Balochistan. The genuine economic and political aspirations of the people were doubly constrained. On the one hand, the centuries old tribal-centric social structure impeded any social and political evolution in the province and, on the other hand, the limitations of the federal structure in Pakistan restrained Balochistan’s integration into the mainstream national polity and economy. The paper argues that the emergence of nationalism is shaped, firstly by the historical legacy of the colonial era, the identity politics of Baloch nationalists, resource-grabbing and hegemonic approach of the Baloch Sardars or tribal chieftains, and secondly by Pakistan’s failure in adhering to the principles of federalism. Extreme centralization or quasi federalism with its authoritarian nature has promoted regionalism and centrifugal tendencies. Balochistan being a periphery happened to be a fertile ground for the emergence and development of a nationalist movement against the attitudes of the state of Pakistan, which led towards a conflict situation between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan.


Water Policy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naveen Kumar Gupta ◽  
A. S. Jethoo ◽  
S. K. Gupta

The water resources in Rajasthan State are facing a crucial stage even after average/good rainfall. Temporal distributions as well as the spatial variability of rainfall within the state were investigated by applying an analysis of variance (ANOVA) test. The effect of change in catchment characteristics and anthropogenic activities on overland flow are also investigated in this paper by applying a regression technique. Inflow to the surface water resources of the state is regularly decreasing. Time series analysis and sequential cluster analysis reveals that 1994 was the critical year, which divides the two consecutive non-overlapping epochs viz. pre-disturbance and post-disturbance. Due to increasing population and the subsequent increase in agriculture (specifically using groundwater sources) having increased catchment interceptions, there is a regular decreasing trend of surface runoff and surface water availability. The study highlights that, in spite of an increasing trend of rainfall witnessed during the last 100 years, inflow to the surface water resources of the state is decreasing at a fast pace owing to a decrease in the percentage area contributing to surface runoff.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Roscigno ◽  
Julia Cantzler ◽  
Salvatore Restifo ◽  
Joshua Guetzkow

The Wounded Knee Massacre of 1890 and the Ghost Dance movement that preceded it offer a compelling sociological case for understanding legitimation, elite framing, and repression. Building on the social movements literature and theoretical insights on power, institutions, and inequality, we engage in multimethod, in-depth analyses of a rich body of archived correspondence from key institutional actors at the time. Doing so contributes to the literature by drawing attention to (1) the cultural foundations of inequality and repression; (2) super-ordinate framing by political elites and the state; and (3) key institutional conflicts and their consequences. We find that, within an ambiguous colonial context, officials of the Office of Indian Affairs and federal politicians shelved benign military observations and, instead, amplified ethnocentric and threat frames. Force was consequently portrayed as justifiable, which increased the likelihood of the massacre. We conclude by discussing the utility of our results for conceptions of culture, power, inequality, the state, and state violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasbi Aswar ◽  
Danial Bin Mohd Yusof ◽  
Rohana Binti Abdul Hamid

Abstract As a global Islamic political group, Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) has experienced many kinds of state coercive responses due its ideas that considered radical and threatening the existing modern political systems. In many places, this group has been rejected and criminalized by regimes either in Muslim majority states or in the Western states.  The same experience has also been faced by HT in Indonesia that went through the change of state policy from accommodating to repressive approach. This study will focus to elaborate the response of the Indonesian government toward HTI from the lens of social movement studies by using state repression concept. This article uses the explanatory method analysis and collects data mainly from literature. This article argues that the state has used several methods to repress HT such as issuing an extraordinary law in dissolving HTI; intimidating HTI`s supporters and activists and stigmatizing or discrediting HTI image. As the result, in 2017 Indonesian government dissolved HTI, then HTI became one of forbidden organizations in Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayelet Harel-Shalev ◽  
Rebecca Kook

In this article, we examine the special challenges posed by the practice of polygamy to minority women, focusing on the ways that the state and the women confront the related experiences of violence and trauma associated with this practice. Based on analysis of both policy and interviews with women, we demonstrate the tension between the different mechanisms adopted by the state as opposed to those adopted by the women themselves. We suggest that the concept of ontological security is valuable for a deeper understanding of the range of state motivations in cases related to minority women, violence, and the right for protection. Our case study is the Bedouin community in Israel. We explore the relationship between individual and state-level conceptions of violence and trauma and the complex relationship between these two. We examine state discourses of ontological security through a gendered lens, as frameworks of belonging and mechanisms of exclusion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 1917
Author(s):  
Arvind Kanwar ◽  
Parikshit Malhotra ◽  
Vikas Panwar ◽  
Arun Chauhan ◽  
Dhruv Sharma ◽  
...  

Background: Trauma in Himachal Pradesh is an increasingly significant problem, particularly in light of rapid development and increasing motorization. In the state of Himachal due to the predominantly hilly terrain people are more vulnerable to accidents, resulting in various injuries. Moreover, an increase in industrialization, ongoing construction of hydel projects and subsequent increase in accidents have also affected an increase in the incidence of trauma. Social and environmental changes are resulting in alterations in epidemiology of trauma. The present study was done to study the pattern, cause, mode and burden of trauma in patients presenting to IGMC Shimla.Methods: This prospective study was done on 4267 patients of trauma admitted to various departments of IGMC, Shimla during the period from June 2014 to May 2015. Detailed history of the patient, mode of injury was collected. Complete trauma profile and blood investigations were done in all patients. Postmortem findings of the trauma victims who died in IGMC or who were brought dead due to trauma were recorded. Results: The mean age of the patients in the study was 33.56 years. Male preponderance was noted (M:F-2.7:1). The commonest mode of injury was due to fall (75.60%). Of the total, 72.39% patients admitted with isolated injuries confined to one particular region, 11.72% patients with multiple injuries with in a single region, 13.01% patients with polytrauma, and 2.44% patients with burns. The rate of mortality was 2.06% (n=88).Conclusions: Improved infrastructure, behavior patterns of the individuals, can decrease the rate of trauma in the state. Development of strong and supportive management policies by the emergency departments in hospitals can reduce the mortality rate related with trauma.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-676
Author(s):  
Claire Morelon

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.


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