From Guantánamo to K2

Armed Guests ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sebastian Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Host State ◽  
Contractual Arrangements ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Second World

This chapter lays out the empirical puzzle and theoretical explanation with which the book is concerned. Prior to the Second World War, foreign military presences could be understood only in terms of the subjugation of the host state. However, in contemporary security politics, states may enter contractual arrangements governing such presences and end them as desired. This development is rooted in a change in relations between military presence and territorial authority occasioned by the exigencies of the war and the early Cold War. Mainstream theories of international relations cannot adequately account for this development. Turning to practices and a pragmatist understanding of action helps explain the origins of what I call “sovereign basing,” as well as its persistence through recent changes in international politics. The chapter lays the foundation for the study by carefully defining the practice of sovereign basing and setting the bounds of the investigation.

scholarly journals NON-ALIGNMENT MOVEMENT: IT’S RELEVANCE IN PRESENT CONTEXT

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 272-279
Author(s):  
Balwinder Singh
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Third World ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Present Context ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

After the end of Second World War, the two power bloc was raising in world politics and the revelry between the blocs was on top. The Cold War politics emerged as a bitter experience of international relations. Both blocs were mollifying the other countries of the world. It had to become stronger because of many newly independent countries. For the sake their independence many countries choose the third path to avoiding war and keeping their independence, they framed NAM (Non-alignment Movement). Most of these countries was belong to Asia and Africa and also newly independent. The US (United States) and European countries criticized NAM and revoked it as a group of opportunist countries. The NAM emerged as an international platform as a third alternative of two power blocs. The NAM was the international phenomenon of developing and third world countries. Non-alignment grew out of the cold war bitter relationship between US and USSR. Some developing and third world newly independent countries refused to post Second World War world politics through the eyes of their erstwhile colonial rulers. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was one of the paramount leaders of NAM since its inception. After the demise of British rule in India, India also refused to join any bloc in Cold War time. Nehru did not want to enter in two bloc politics due to India’s national interests. He thought that Indian independence could diminish if India going toward any blocs and adopted Non-alignment as an instrument of foreign policy. He also made effort to discuss other world leader to formulate NAM as platform of collective voice of newly independence countries. The paper also aims to explain India’s contribution to the Non-alignment Movement. The first formal conference of NAM was in Bandung in 1961. Nehru and others NAM leaders uttered against new imperialism in Asia and Africa in Bandung Summit by the western countries. Some countries raise questions about the importance and relevance of NAM and produce it as a callous movement after the end of the Cold War. However the broader membership of NAM proved its relevance and importance. Most of the world countries adopted NAM membership due to its popularity and momentous agenda. While the Cold War strategic environment underestimates Non-alignment movement and the two power blocs tried to demoralize Non-alignment movement, however the Non-alignment movement was accomplishing their work with a greater momentum. Non-alignment, both as a foreign policy perspective of most newly independence states of Asia, Africa and Latin America and as well as an international movement was a critical factor of contemporary international relations. The Non-alignment movement was the collective voice of developing and third world countries since the first official meeting of its leaders in Belgrade in 1961. The policy of the Non-alignment has been being the issue of debate in international politics since its origin. In 1970’s, its importance and relevance had questioned, with the emergence of détente in international relations. The US and European countries did not consider the NAM movement at that time. Both power blocs were also questioned the role of NAM in cold war era. The western countries always tagged NAM as a collaboration of opportunist countries. It was such a big thing that NAM survived in fracas of cold war. The study tried to remove skepticism on Non-alignment and NAM in post-Cold War arena. It is also suggesting a new way for making the movement effective and relevant in present context.

John Erickson, 1929–2002

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Mackintosh
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Western Group ◽  
Soviet Communism ◽  
East And West ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

John Erickson made his mark as a historian, scholar, soldier and military analyst during a period of major upheaval in international relations after the Second World War — especially in Europe — and during the clash between Soviet Communism and the Western group of nations which became known as the Cold War. He was actively involved in efforts to establish an informed academic dialogue between East and West on arms control issues. The earliest initiative came to Edinburgh through a process which became known as the Edinburgh Conversations.

scholarly journals As Transformações Do Paradigma Liberal, 1945-1999 l The Transformations Of The Liberal Paradigm, 1945-1999

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58314
Author(s):  
Mônica Ottoboni Maciel de Castro
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Second World

As Relações Internacionais são marcadas no âmbito teórico pela protuberância de duas principais linhas de pensamento: a realista e a liberal. Ambas as tradições passaram por reformulações pensadas em resposta a mudanças no cenário internacional e debates teóricos da área. A proposta para este trabalho é pensar as transformações ocorridas no interior do paradigma liberal, trazendo as principais mudanças pelas quais essa tradição passou desde o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial até o final da década de 1990. Para isso, serão analisadas nas diferentes vertentes do liberalismo a agenda de pesquisa que marcou os diferentes períodos históricos nos quais as investigações se inseriram, quais os atores dominantes na teorização e como cada corrente se propôs pensar as dinâmicas da política internacional. Espera-se que esse estudo contribua para o campo das Relações Internacionais com uma análise histórica e descritiva do desenvolvimento da literatura liberal.Palavras-Chave: Relações Internacionais; Teorias; Liberalismo.ABSTRACTThe field of International Relations is characterized in the theoretical arena by the protuberance of two main lines of thought: the realist and the liberal. Both traditions have been reformulated in response to changes in the international scenario and theoretical debates of the field. The aim of this paper is to think about the transformations within the liberal paradigm, bringing the main changes this tradition has gone through since the end of the Second World War until the end of the 1990’s. To this end, the research agenda, the main actors in the theorization and the understandings about the international politics will be analyzed in each historical moment. It is expected that this study contributes to the International Relations field with an historical and descriptive analysis of the development of the liberal literature.Keywords: International Relations; Theories; Liberalism. Recebido em: 09/03/2021 | Aceito em: 23/06/2021. 

Restoring Four-Power Rights, Reviving a Confederation in 1989

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Elise Sarotte
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Second World War ◽  
First Century ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
World War ◽  
German States ◽  
Divided Germany ◽  
Second World ◽  
Restoration Model

This chapter examines the Soviet restoration model and former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl's revivalist model. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) hoped to use its weight as a victor in the Second World War to restore the old quadripartite mechanism of four-power control exactly as it used to be in 1945, before subsequent layers of Cold War modifications created room for German contributions. This restoration model, which called for the reuse of the old Allied Control Commission to dominate all further proceedings in divided Germany, represented a realist vision of politics run by powerful states, each retaining their own sociopolitical order and pursuing their own interests. Meanwhile, Kohl's revivalist model represented the revival, or adaptive reuse, of a confederation of German states. This latter-day “confederationism” blurred the lines of state sovereignty; each of the two twenty-first-century Germanies would maintain its own political and social order, but the two would share a confederative, national roof.

scholarly journals Programa Bracero y Guerra Fría: auge y declive, 1942–1964

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Catherine Vézina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
National Context ◽  
World War ◽  
Bracero Program ◽  
Agricultural Work ◽  
Pan American ◽  
Second World

El Programa Bracero, creado por Estados Unidos y México en 1942 durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se mantuvo hasta 1964. Los estudios sobre este programa señalan la importancia de los intereses domésticos de Estados Unidos para explicar la longevidad del mismo. El presente artículo se enfoca en los factores estratégicos propios de la lógica de la Guerra Fría que intervinieron en la decisión de mantener o cancelar este programa bilateral de trabajo temporal agrícola. Mediante un examen atento sobre la época del auge y del declive del programa, se replantean estos debates dentro del contexto nacional, pero también bilateral y panamericano. The Bracero Program, created by the United States and Mexico during the Second World War, survived until 1964. Studies that look at this program generally signal the importance of domestic factors in the United States to explain its longevity. This article analyzes dynamics of Cold War logic that played a role in the decision of whether to maintain or cancel this bilateral program for migratory agricultural work. By carefully examining the rise and fall of the program, these debates are reconsidered within a national context, as well as one that is bilateral and Pan-American.

scholarly journals Taming the Expellee Threat in Post–1945 Europe: Lessons from the Two Germanies and Finland

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
PERTTI AHONEN
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
World War ◽  
Forced Migrants ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.

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