The Campaign

Bluster ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Peter R. Neumann

The chapter shows how countering terrorism was a vitally important part of Donald Trump's 2015/16 election campaign. The themes he articulated represented the clearest, most radicalized version of his doctrine. In line with his idea of "killing terrorists" and "keeping Muslims out" of the country, he presented a fundamentally different idea of countering terrorism than his rivals. He portrayed the confrontation with Islamic State as a civilizational conflict, which involved not just defeating a terrorist group, but classified Muslims as part of an immigrant "out-group", described Islam as fundamentally incompatible with the American way of life, and legitimized virtually any means of achieving victory and restoring "respect".

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Martin ◽  
Hussein Solomon

The Islamic State (IS) took the global stage in June 2014 and since has become one of the greatest threats to international peace and security. While initially closely affiliated with Al-Qaeda, the IS has proved itself to be a distinct phenomenon of horror—more dangerous than Al-Qaeda. The group essentially established itself in the volatile Middle East, but has infiltrated many parts of the world with the aim of expanding Islam’s Holy War. What certainly makes the IS different from its predecessors is that the group has been labeled the wealthiest terrorist group in the world today. By the fall of 2015, IS generated an annual income of US$2.4 billion. The question for many analysts observing the situation in Syria is: where does the IS gets its money? The aim of this article is to critically observe the nature of IS and its funding requirements and the measures pursued in curtailing the group’s funding.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (19) ◽  
pp. 171-173
Author(s):  
Olga Maksymenko

The tendency to intensify Islamophobia in its various manifestations, from the hostile attitude towards the Muslims to open acts of aggression and calls for hatred and violence against the representatives of this religion - unfortunately, has recently been observed in many countries of the world. Some factors contribute to this: firstly, the inspiration by some unscrupulous media of identifying Muslims with terrorists and extremists, a new wave of fear, caused by reports of numerous crimes by militants of the self-proclaimed "Islamic State" (whose activities generally contradict the spirit of Islam as a peaceful and humanistic religion that recognizes human life of the highest value and equates the killing of one person to the murder of all mankind) and recent attacks with a large number of human victims (in particular, in France and Belgium); and secondly, the reluctance of ordinary people to see in their environment those who differ from them (rejection of "someone else", due to the imaginary division of the world into "we" and "they"). Bearers of another culture are perceived as a threat of violations of the usual way of life, changes in the established system of values. Hence, the sharply negative attitude towards refugees from Syria and other Islamic countries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Skjelderup

AbstractHarakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen, usually referred to as al-Shabaab (the youth), is known primarily as a Somali terrorist group. But since the end of 2008, it has functioned as a state power in large parts of Southern and Central Somalia. In this article, I analyze the main legal body of the group: theqāḍīcourt. In order to establish law and order in their territories, al-Shabaab has applied their own version ofsharī'a. The article reveals that al-Shabaab's application of criminal law follows the inherent logic of classical Islamic legal doctrines on several points. However, the al-Shabaab courts tend to overlook many of the strict requirements regarding evidence and procedure that were outlined by the medieval Muslim scholars in order to humanize Islamic law. Therefore, the legal reality of al-Shabaab's regime is far more brutal than that of most other Islamic-inspired regimes in the contemporary Muslim world. Al-Shabaab's practice of Islamic criminal law may be seen not only as a means to exercise control through fear but also as an effective way of filling the vacuum of insecurity and instability that has followed twenty years of violence and the absence of state institutions in its territories. I argue that, in order to understand al-Shabaab's current practice of criminal law, one has to take into consideration the group's jihadi-Salafi affiliation. According to Salafi notions,sharī'ais not only a means to an end, but an end in itself. As such,sharī'a(i.e., God's divine law) is the visual symbol of an Islamic state. Consequently, the application of Islamic criminal law, and especially of theḥudūdpunishments, provides al-Shabaab with political-religious legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Sally Hammouda

Yussef El Guindi is an Egyptian/Arab-American playwright. He was born in Egypt, educated in London, and is currently a resident of Seattle, USA. He received his BA degree from the American University in Cairo and MFA in Playwriting from Carnegie-Mellon University. He writes about cultural and political collisions of ethnic minorities, especially Arab-Americans. Most of his plays are about Arab-Americans trying to fit into the American way of life and some of the clashes that arise as a result.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document