Utopian Socialism, Women’s Emancipation, and the Origins of Middlemarch

2021 ◽  
pp. 156-187
Author(s):  
Mark A. Allison

This chapter demonstrates that George Eliot’s investigation of the early, “utopian” socialists catalyzed the writing of perhaps the most iconic of all Victorian novels, Middlemarch (1871–2). The utopian socialists (as Robert Owen, Charles Fourier, Henri de Saint-Simon, and their followers were increasingly known) frequently suggested that the transition to a new, nongovernmental social order hinged upon the emancipation of women. Their untimely calls for female liberation became newly salient with the coalescence, in the 1860s, of Britain’s first national campaign for women’s suffrage. This chapter’s reading of Middlemarch shows that socialist discourse provides Eliot a rich symbolic vocabulary with which to conduct her own novelistic investigation of the “Woman Question”—and to engage in a clandestine meditation on the claims of the suffragists. By incorporating socialist elements into her novel, Eliot could unobtrusively position herself in relation to the ideals and activities of this burgeoning movement—a movement in which a number of her closest friends were involved. Attending to Middlemarch’s socialist motif demystifies the novel’s shrouded origins and decodes a hitherto illegible record of Eliot’s proto-feminist aspirations which, like the early socialists’ own, were inextricably intertwined with skepticism about institutional politics. This chapter also provides a genealogy of “utopian socialism,” a category that has exerted a distorting influence on scholarship since Marx and Engels tarred their rivals with it in The Communist Manifesto.

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Kristina Jorgić Stepanović

This paper discusses the views of Milica Đurić Topalović, one of the most prominent female socialists in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the woman question. Her unjustly neglected works Woman and Politics and Woman through Centuries have been taken as examples of characteristic socialist discourses on women’s emancipation. Milica Đurić Topalović’s views greatly advance our knowledge about the relations between various women’s organizations in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the similarities and differences between their interpretations of the concept of emancipation and the solutions to the pressing issue of women’s suffrage.


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aline Isabel Waszak

Resumo: Este artigo visa discutir a inclusão da mulher na política no contexto do Brasil republicano. Para isso, utilizarei o Boletim da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, analisando o ponto de vista defendido por este grupo político, a classe a qual pertenciam, bem como os seus meios de inserção na política brasileira. A fonte data do ano de 1934 e foi o meio de divulgação dos ideais defendidos pela Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino. Criado no ano de 1922, uma de suas principais lutas foi o direito do voto e da emancipação feminina, teve como líder a sufragista Bertha Lutz.Palavras-chave: Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, Brasil República, Sufrágio Feminino, Feminismo, Bertha Lutz.Abstract: This article aims to explore the inclusion of women in politics in the context of Brazilian Republican. For this, I will use the Bulletin of the Brazilian Federation for the Advancement of Women, analyzing the view expressed by this political group, the class which they belonged, as well as their means of insertion in Brazilian politics. The historical source is from 1934 and it was the vehicle of dissemination of the ideals espoused by the Brazilian Federation for the Advancement of Women. Founded in 1922, one of it’s main struggles was the women’s suffrage and women's emancipation, their leader was the suffragist Bertha Lutz.Keywords: Brazilian Federation for the Advancement of Women, Brazilian Republican, Women’s Suffrage, Feminism, Bertha Lutz.  


Author(s):  
Ben Epstein

This chapter explores communication innovations made by American social movements over time. These movements share political communication goals and outsider status, which helps to connect innovation decisions across movements and across time. The chapter primarily explores two long-lasting movements. First is the women’s suffrage movement, which lasted over seventy years of the print era from the mid-nineteenth century until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. Next is the long-lasting fight against racial discrimination, which led to the modern civil rights movement starting in the print era, but coming of age along with television during the 1950s and 1960s. Both the women’s suffrage movement and civil rights movement utilized innovative tactics with similarly mild results until mainstream coverage improved. Finally, these historical movements are compared with movements emerging during the internet era, including the early Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Resist movement.


Dialogue ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 701-709
Author(s):  
R. E. Tully

This is the first volume in the Collected Papers which deals exclusively with Russell's non-technical writings and, chronologically, it is the immediate successor of volume 1. Volumes 2 through 7 cover roughly the same span of years as volume 12 (1902–1914) but are devoted to his technical writings on mathematics, logic and philosophy. Of this group, however, only volume 7 has so far been published. The contents of volume 12 are intended to show two contrasting sides of Russell's highly complex character: the contemplative (but nonacademic) side and the active. The latter is much easier to delineate and much more widely known. During 1904, Russell rose to defend traditional Liberal principles of free trade and to assail the British government's protectionist proposals for tariff reform. His various articles, book reviews, critiques and letters to editors are gathered here. Three years later, he campaigned for election to Parliament from Wimbledon as the Women's Suffrage candidate against a staunch anti-suffragist. The outcome was never in doubt, not even to Russell, since Wimbledon was a safe seat for the Conservatives, and in the end Russell lost by a margin greater than 3-to-l, but his fight had been vigorous and had managed to gain national attention.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document