Particle-verb order in Old Hungarian and complex predicates

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronika Hegedűs
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Complex Predicates ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Order Change ◽  
Secondary Predicates ◽  
Particle Verb ◽  
Word Order Change

This chapter examines the distribution of verbal particles in Old Hungarian, and argues that despite the word order change from SOV to SVO in Hungarian, the particle-verb order did not change because the previous pre-verbal argument position was reanalysed as a pre-verbal predicative position where complex predicates are formed in overt syntax. Predicative constituents other than particles show significant word order variation in Old Hungarian, apparently due to optionality in predicate movement (while variation found with particle-verb orderings can be attributed to independent factors). It is proposed that after the basic word order was reanalysed as VO, internal arguments and secondary predicates could appear post-verbally and it was the still obligatory movement of particles that triggered the generalization of predicate movement, making all predicates pre-verbal in neutral sentences at later stages. This process involves a period of word order variation as predicate movement gradually generalizes to different types of predicates.

scholarly journals Word order change at the left periphery of the Hungarian noun phrase

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Egedi
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Definite Article ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Possessive Constructions ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Order Change ◽  
Word Order Change

This chapter studies the determination and the distribution of possessive constructions from Old to Modern Hungarian. The grammaticalization of the definite article in well-defined contexts had structural consequences, the most salient of which is the emergence of a new strategy for demonstrative modification, which is called determiner doubling throughout the paper. Word order variation arises due to the determiners’ interference with the possessor expressions at the left periphery of the noun phrase. The newly added demonstratives first adjoined to the noun phrase in a somewhat looser fashion: their combination with the dative-marked possessors resulted in a word order specific only to the Middle Hungarian period (Demonstrative-Possessor). At a later stage, demonstratives got incorporated into the specifier of the DP, giving rise to the fixed word order Possessor-Demonstrative, with the Possessor undergoing noun phrase internal topicalization, thus landing in a phrase-initial specifier position.

scholarly journals Word order change from a diachronic generative syntax perspective

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Martins ◽  
Adriana Cardoso
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Historical Change ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
Research Issues ◽  
Generative Syntax ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Introductory Overview ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Order Change ◽  
Word Order Change

This introductory overview chapter focuses on the relation between movement operations and word order by assembling the pieces of information offered by the book’s authors. It shows how the essays published in the book indicate, when considered together, that word order change is mainly the effect of the interaction between clause structure and syntactic movement, thus identifying these two components of grammar as the main factors behind word order variation. It also demonstrates that the study of word order change (set within the framework of diachronic generative syntax) is a means to test the descriptive adequacy and explanatory potential of competing analyses of word order phenomena not restricted to historical change, and identifies (theoretical and empirical) research issues that emerge from the type of approach to word order change envisaged in the book.

scholarly journals From Proto-Hungarian SOV to Old Hungarian Top Foc V X

Diachronica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katalin É. Kiss
Keyword(s):  
Open Access ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Ongoing Process ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Order Change ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Word Order Change

This paper argues that Hungarian underwent a word order change from SOV to Top Foc V X* prior to its documented history beginning in 1192. Proto-Hungarian SOV is reconstructed primarily on the basis of shared constructions of archaic Old Hungarian, and Khanty and Mansi, the sister languages of Hungarian. The most likely scenario of the change from head-final to head-initial was the spreading of right dislocation, and the reanalysis of right dislocated elements by new generations of speakers as arguments in situ. In Hungarian — as opposed to Khanty and Mansi — right dislocation was facilitated by the extension of differential object marking to all direct objects. The change in basic word order initiated the restructuring of other parts of Hungarian grammar as well, which is a still ongoing process. [As of June 2015, this article is available as Open Access under a CC-BY-NC 4.0 license.]

scholarly journals WORD ORDER IN THE LOWER CHULYM DIALECT OF CHULYM-TURKIC: A DIACHRONIC ASPECT

2020 ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Валерия Михайловна Лемская
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Minority Language ◽  
Simple Sentence ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Order Change ◽  
The One ◽  
Word Order Change

В статье анализируется динамика изменения порядка слов в ныне исчезнувшем малочисленном бесписьменном нижнечулымском диалекте чулымско-тюркского языка. Рассматриваются тексты, собранные в XIX–XXI вв., в т. ч. из полевых записей автора. Для обеспечения принципа репрезентативности отобранного материала и в условиях скудости собранных на разных этапах нижнечулымских текстов, анализ был проведен на выборке в 20 предложений с глагольным сказуемым для каждого временного отрезка (всего 80 предложений). В ходе исследования делается вывод, что тенденция к сохранению типичного тюркского базового порядка слов в простом предложении с глагольным скзазуемым (SOV) характерна для текстов, собранных в XIX и XXI вв. (в т. ч. в переводных текстах раннего периода). Наметившаяся с середины XX в. тенденция к изменению базового порядка слов в сторону характерного для русского языка (SVO) несколько сохраняется в XXI в., однако подавляющее большинство моделей простого предложения текстов этого периода являются разновидностями типичного тюркского базового порядка слов SOV. Это иллюстрирует тезис о том, что даже в условиях языковых контактов, активного двуязычия и сильного влияния языка большинства миноритарный язык (в данном случае — нижнечулымский диалект) вполне может сохранять свою синтаксическую структуру. The article analyzes the dynamics of word order change in the now extinct moribund non-written Lower Chulym dialect of the Chulym-Turkic language. The article deals with texts collected in the 19–21 centuries, including those recorded by the author. To ensure the representativeness principle for the selected material and in terms of the Lower Chulym text scarcity at different stages, the analysis was carried out on a sample of 20 sentences with a verb predicate for each time period (80 sentences in total). The study concludes that the tendency to preserve the typical Turkic basic word order in a simple sentence with a verb predicate (SOV) is characteristic of texts collected in the 19th and 21st centuries (including translated texts of the early period). The tendency from the middle of the 20th century to change the basic word order towards the one characteristic for Russian (SVO) persisted in the 21st century to a certain extent, however, the overwhelming majority of the simple sentence models in the texts of this period are varieties of the typical Turkic basic word order, SOV. This illustrates the point that even in the conditions of linguistic contacts, active bilingualism and strong influence of the major language, the minority language (in this case, the Lower Chulym dialect) may well retain its syntactic structure.

Word order variation in Isthmus Mixe

2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Dieterman
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject

In the face of evidence of considerable word order variation in Mixe languages, this article posits a basic word order of SOV for Isthmus Mixe, analyzing the language as having an inverse voice category that partially explains the observed surface word order variation. Using functional criteria established for voice distinctions by Givón (1994), it is shown that the Object is higher in topicality than the Subject in inverse-transitive clauses, as attested by ellipsis of the Subject and by topicality measures of Referential Distance and Topic Persistence. When inverse-clause word orders are separated out from direct-clause word orders, and when discourse considerations are taken into account, the basic SOV order of the Isthmus Mixe direct clause becomes apparent.

scholarly journals A construction-based analysis of Dutch verb clusters

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liesbeth Augustinus
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Language Area ◽  
Verb Clusters ◽  
Dutch Language

Dutch is well-known for the formation of verb clusters. A characteristic aspect of such constructions is that the order of the verbs may differ from the order in which they are selected. Across the Dutch language area verb clusters show different types of word order variation. This paper proposes a constructivist account of word order variation in Dutch verb clusters. Linearization is not modelled in terms of the GVOR feature, after Kathol (2000). Instead, it relies on the bidimensional phrase hierarchy initiated by Ginzburg & Sag (2000), which is extended for the analysis of constructions with verb clusters. This proposal accounts for the most common instances of word order variation in Dutch verb clusters, and it can be easily adapted to model a specific variety or dialect.

The relative cycle in Hungarian declaratives

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Bacskai-Atkari
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Position ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Fixed Order ◽  
Embedded Clauses ◽  
Head Positions

This chapter examines word order variation and change in the high CP-domain of Hungarian embedded clauses containing the finite subordinating C head hogy ‘that’. It is argued that the complementizer hogy developed from an operator of the same morphophonological form, meaning ‘how’, and that its grammaticalization path develops in two steps. In addition to the change from an operator, located in a specifier, into a C head (specifier-to-head reanalysis), the fully grammaticalized complementizer hogy also changed its relative position on the CP-periphery, ultimately occupying the higher of two C head positions (upward reanalysis). Other complementizers that could co-occur with hogy in Old Hungarian eventually underwent similar reanalysis processes. Hence the possibility of accommodating two separate C heads in the left periphery was lost and variation in the relative position of complementizers was replaced by a fixed order.

OV versus VO in Old High German

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Petrova ◽  
Helmut Weiß
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Landing Site ◽  
Old High German ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Functional Projection ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
The Right

This chapter surveys the word order variation in the right periphery of the clause in OHG. The investigation is based on a corpus including all dependent clauses introduced by the complementizer thaz ‘that’ in the minor OHG documents, a collection of up to forty smaller texts of various genres. The analysis shows that the majority of the data can be explained within a standard OV grammar, assuming additional extraposition of heavy XPs to the right. But apart from these cases, there is evidence supporting the assumption of leftward movement of the verb to an intermediate functional projection vP which is optional with basic OV but obligatory with basic VO. In addition, the chapter presents patterns which evidently involve verb movement to a higher functional head, above vP, and discusses the nature of the landing site of the verb in these cases.

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