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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kemel Jouini

<p>My thesis deals with dependency relations in the structure of sentences in Arabic and how properties of verbal morphology and associated lexical items dictate how sentences are derived. I adopt the probe-goal-Agree Minimalist view that variation between languages (even those that are closely related, such as Standard Arabic and Tunisian Arabic) is due to the 'feature structure' of functional elements that enter into the derivation.  In particular, the essential architecture of sentences expressing the dependency relations verbs and associated elements have with the 'functional' portion of sentences (i.e., tense/modality properties) is universal in that these dependency relations will be expressed on the basis of the same feature structure cross-linguistically. However, this architecture still allows for the kind of parametric variation that exists even between closely related languages.  In this context, I am interested in the status of subject-verb agreement configurations, in both VSO and SVO word orderings, and wh- and other A’-dependencies in Standard Arabic (with comparisons to some modern spoken varieties of Arabic, where appropriate). The analysis is shown to extend to other V-raising languages of the Semitic/Celtic type with ‘basic’ VSO word ordering. A possible extension of the analysis to the V2 phenomenology is also discussed and the major role played by the raising of V-v to T and the raising of T to Agr(s) or T to Fin is highlighted.  An important aspect of my analysis is a proper understanding of the dependency relations involved in the derivation of the relevant sentences where the role of the CP domain projections, verb-movement, feature identification and/or feature valuation along with clause type is essential for interpretation at the interface at the output of syntax. In this feature-based analysis of parametric and micro-parametric variation, I show that variation between typologically similar and typologically different languages is minimal in that it is limited to the interaction of feature combinations in the derivation of sentences.  These feature combinations concern the feature structure of the T-node in relation to the position where T is spelled out at the interface. In particular, T raises to Agr(s) or to Fin in some languages and/or structures. Such raising processes are important in subject-verb agreement configurations cross-linguistically involving combinations of T-features and D-features, which would differ in interpretability (i.e., interpretable vs. uninterpretable) as the basis for feature valuation. Similar feature combinations also drive the raising processes in wh-dependencies with some F-feature (mainly related to ‘focus’) interacting with the T-features of Fin.  I propose that two modes of licensing of these feature combinations are at work. The first mode of licensing is the basic head-head agreement relation. This agreement relation is the basis for verb-movement to the functional field above vP/VP in V-raising languages. The second mode of licensing is the Spec-head agreement relation, brought about by the Merge (internal or external) of D(P) elements in A-dependencies and the Merge of wh-elements in A’-dependencies.  In dependency relations other than subject-verb agreement and wh-dependencies, I propose that the licensing of these feature combinations is strictly a question of ‘identification’ via head-head agreement whereby a feature on a functional head does not need to be valued, but it still needs to be ‘identified’ for the well-formedness of the C-(Agr[s])-T dependency. This is the case of the interpretable D-feature of the Top node in Topic-comment structures and the interpretable F-feature of the two functional head nodes, Mod(al) and Neg, in relation to the T-features of Fin in a V-raising language like Standard Arabic.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kemel Jouini

<p>My thesis deals with dependency relations in the structure of sentences in Arabic and how properties of verbal morphology and associated lexical items dictate how sentences are derived. I adopt the probe-goal-Agree Minimalist view that variation between languages (even those that are closely related, such as Standard Arabic and Tunisian Arabic) is due to the 'feature structure' of functional elements that enter into the derivation.  In particular, the essential architecture of sentences expressing the dependency relations verbs and associated elements have with the 'functional' portion of sentences (i.e., tense/modality properties) is universal in that these dependency relations will be expressed on the basis of the same feature structure cross-linguistically. However, this architecture still allows for the kind of parametric variation that exists even between closely related languages.  In this context, I am interested in the status of subject-verb agreement configurations, in both VSO and SVO word orderings, and wh- and other A’-dependencies in Standard Arabic (with comparisons to some modern spoken varieties of Arabic, where appropriate). The analysis is shown to extend to other V-raising languages of the Semitic/Celtic type with ‘basic’ VSO word ordering. A possible extension of the analysis to the V2 phenomenology is also discussed and the major role played by the raising of V-v to T and the raising of T to Agr(s) or T to Fin is highlighted.  An important aspect of my analysis is a proper understanding of the dependency relations involved in the derivation of the relevant sentences where the role of the CP domain projections, verb-movement, feature identification and/or feature valuation along with clause type is essential for interpretation at the interface at the output of syntax. In this feature-based analysis of parametric and micro-parametric variation, I show that variation between typologically similar and typologically different languages is minimal in that it is limited to the interaction of feature combinations in the derivation of sentences.  These feature combinations concern the feature structure of the T-node in relation to the position where T is spelled out at the interface. In particular, T raises to Agr(s) or to Fin in some languages and/or structures. Such raising processes are important in subject-verb agreement configurations cross-linguistically involving combinations of T-features and D-features, which would differ in interpretability (i.e., interpretable vs. uninterpretable) as the basis for feature valuation. Similar feature combinations also drive the raising processes in wh-dependencies with some F-feature (mainly related to ‘focus’) interacting with the T-features of Fin.  I propose that two modes of licensing of these feature combinations are at work. The first mode of licensing is the basic head-head agreement relation. This agreement relation is the basis for verb-movement to the functional field above vP/VP in V-raising languages. The second mode of licensing is the Spec-head agreement relation, brought about by the Merge (internal or external) of D(P) elements in A-dependencies and the Merge of wh-elements in A’-dependencies.  In dependency relations other than subject-verb agreement and wh-dependencies, I propose that the licensing of these feature combinations is strictly a question of ‘identification’ via head-head agreement whereby a feature on a functional head does not need to be valued, but it still needs to be ‘identified’ for the well-formedness of the C-(Agr[s])-T dependency. This is the case of the interpretable D-feature of the Top node in Topic-comment structures and the interpretable F-feature of the two functional head nodes, Mod(al) and Neg, in relation to the T-features of Fin in a V-raising language like Standard Arabic.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (17) ◽  
pp. 3787
Author(s):  
Augusto Pietro Casani ◽  
Francesco Lazzerini ◽  
Ottavia Marconi ◽  
Nicola Vernassa

(1) Background: Visually induced vertigo (i.e., vertigo provoked by moving visual scenes) can be considered a noticeable feature of vestibular migraines (VM) and can be present in patients suffering from acute unilateral vestibulopathy (AUV). Hypersensitivity to moving or conflicting visual stimulation is named visual dependence. (2) Methods: Visuo-vestibular interactions were analyzed via the functional Head Impulse Test (fHIT) with and without optokinetic stimulation (o-fHIT) in 25 patients with VM, in 20 subjects affected by AUV, and in 20 healthy subjects. We calculated the percentage of correct answers (%CA) without and with the addition of the optokinetic background (OB). (3) In VM groups, the %CA on the fHIT was 92.07% without OB and 73.66% with OB. A significant difference was found between %CA on the deficit side and that on the normal side in AUV, both without OB and with OB. (4) Conclusions: The fHIT results in terms of %CA with and without OB could be useful to identify the presence of a dynamic visual dependence, especially in patients suffering from VM. The difference in %CA with and without OB could provide instrumental support to help correctly identify subjects suffering from VM. We propose the use of the fHIT in clinical practice whenever there is a need to highlight a condition of dynamic visual dependence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147-167
Author(s):  
Sandra Chung

Generative syntacticians often assume that sentential negatives in all languages are the content of a functional head Neg. Although negatives in many languages are amenable to such an analysis, negatives in certain Polynesian languages are not. This chapter first reviews the evidence presented by Hohepa (1969) and others that sentential negatives in Māori are lexical heads, either intransitive verbs or adjectives, which are the main predicate of a clause that excludes the negated clause. It then explores the question of why Māori negatives should differ from the crosslinguistic norm. The answer that is proposed appeals to syntactic-semantic typology and Māori prosody, and engages with the larger issue of how lexical and functional heads are realized in Polynesian languages.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Asia Pietraszko

Abstract Traditional approaches to verbal periphrasis (compound tenses) treat auxiliary verbs as lexical items that enter syntactic derivation like any other lexical item, i.e. via Selection/Merge. An alternative view that has received much attention in recent years is that auxiliary verbs are not base-generated but rather inserted in a previously built structure (i.a. Bach 1967; Embick 2000; Arregi 2000; Cowper 2010; Bjorkman 2011; Arregi and Klecha 2015). Arguments for the insertion approach to auxiliaries include their last-resort distribution and the fact that, in many languages, auxiliaries are not systematically associated with a given inflectional category (the "overflow" distribution discussed in Bjorkman 2011). In this paper, I argue against the insertion approach. First, I demonstrate that the overflow pattern and last-resort distribution follow from Cyclic Selection (Pietraszko 2017)—a Merge-counterpart of Cyclic Agree (Béjar and Rezac 2009). And second, I show that the insertion approach makes wrong predictions about compound tenses in Swahili, a language with overflow periphrasis. Under the approach advocated here, an auxiliary verb is a verbal head externally merged as a specifier of a functional head, such as T. It then undergoes m-merger with that head, instantiating an external-merge version of Matushansky’s (2006) conception of head movement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Callegari

Abstract According to Rizzi & Bocci’s (2017) suggested hierarchy of the left periphery, fronted foci (FOC) can never precede polarity complementizers (PolC); yet languages like Bulgarian and Macedonian appear to display precisely such an ordering configuration. On the basis of a cross-linguistic comparison of ten Slavic languages, I argue that in the Slavic subgroup the possibility of having a focus precede PolC is dependent on the morphological properties of the complementizer itself: in languages where the order FOC < PolC is acceptable, PolC is a complex morpheme derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a higher one. The order FOC < PolC is then derived by giving overt spell-out to the intermediate copy of PolC rather than to the topmost one. In turn, this option is linked to the possibility, recorded in all languages which allow for FOC < PolC, to also realize the morpheme expressing interrogative polarity as an enclitic particle attaching to fronted foci.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Tuğba Emekci ◽  
Hatice Seyra Erbek

BACKGROUND: fHIT is an easily applicable test battery that indirectly evaluates the vestibulo-ocular reflex (VOR) from a functional perspective. AIMS/OBJECTIVES: The aim of this study was to Individuals determine the correlation between age and the percentage of correct answers (% CA) obtained in the functional head impulse test (fHIT) in healthy individuals. MATERIAL AND METHODS: A total of 105 volunteers, 50 males and 55 females, between the ages of 18 and 70 years, participated in the study. A Beon Solution fHIT system (Zero Branco (TV), Italy) was used in the study. RESULTS: In our study, a decrease in the mean % CA was observed in all semicircular canals (SCCs) with increasing age. Between age and mean % CA, a significant negative moderate (–0.311) correlation was observed in lateral SCCs, and a significant negative low (–0.257) correlation was observed in posterior SCCs (p <  0.05). In anterior SCCs, there was no statistically significant relationship between age and mean % CA (p >  0.05). CONCLUSIONS: The present study performed in a healthy population will be helpful in terms of making comparisons in studies to be conducted in various vestibular diseases. It will also be a guide for identifying pathological consequences in vestibular diseases.


Author(s):  
Tarun Grover ◽  
Abhimanyu Kumar

This project is aimed at developing an online leave apply system and Employee task assignment application that is of importance to either an organization or school or an office. The Leave Application System (LMS) is an Intranet based application that can be accessed throughout the organization or a specified group/Dept. The Employee Task Assignment system is also accessible foe both employee and employer in any organization. This system can be used to automate the workflow of leave applications, and their approvals, task assignment, task completion and their tracking. The periodic crediting or debiting of leave is also automated and system dependent. There are features like email notifications, automatic approval of leave, mentor approval, functional head approval, report generators etc. in this system. Leave Application System will reduce paperwork and maintains record in more efficient way. Task assignment application also helps to maintain workflow and deadlines with proper Identification and Attendance of employees.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Augusto-Pietro Casani ◽  
Francesco Lazzerini ◽  
Nicola Ducci ◽  
Ottavia Marconi ◽  
Nicola Vernassa

Abstract Visually induced vertigo (i.e., vertigo provoked by moving visual scenes) could be considered as a noticeable feature of Vestibular Migraine (VM) and could be present in patients suffering from Acute Unilateral Vestibulophaty (AUV). The hypersensitivity to moving or conflicting visual stimulations is named Visual Dependence. The visuo-vestibular interactions were analyzed using functional Head Impulse Test (fHIT) with and without optokinetic stimulation (o-fHIT) in 25 patients with VM and 20 subjects affected by AUV. We calculated the percentage of correct answer (%CA) without and with the addition of confounding screen (CS). In VM groups the %CA at fHIT was 92,07% without CS and 73,66% with CS. A significant difference has been found between %CA on the deficit side and the normal side in AUV, both without CS and with CS). The results of fHIT in term of %CA with and without CS could be very useful to identify the presence of visual dependence especially in patients suffering from VM. The difference of %CA with and without CS could provide an instrumental support to correctly identify patients with VM. We propose the use of fHIT in clinical practice whenever there is a need to highlight a condition of visual dependence.


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