Antigonus and the Greeks

2021 ◽  
pp. 145-176
Author(s):  
Robin Waterfield

Antigonus lacked any institutional means of controlling the Greeks, such as the League of Corinth, so he resorted to more repressive measures. Even under the kings, the Greek states had considerable local freedom, and the pace of local political life scarcely slackened in the third century. But many of the states were impoverished, so that they became dependent on handouts from the kings, and came also to rely on their wealthy citizens to supply money and hold political offices. Antigonus’s measures were focused largely on the Peloponnese, where he imposed or supported sole rulers (“tyrants”), and installed military garrisons as well. Much of the Peloponnese became effectively occupied territory. At the same time, he was attacking Ptolemaic possessions in Asia Minor. But resentment built up in Greece, and an alliance between Ptolemy, Athens, and the Peloponnesians led to the Chremonidean War (268-262). I go into as much detail as can be recovered about this war, which Antigonus resoundingly won, and the naval battle of Cos against Ptolemy that followed and limited Egyptian encroachment on the Aegean. In celebration, Antigonus enhanced the sacred island of Delos with festivals and a magnificent stoa.

1965 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-214
Author(s):  
G. M. Sifakis

I. We know fairly well how the City Dionysia at Athens was celebrated in classical times. But although the numerous dramatic festivals of the Hellenistic period were in many respects modelled on the Athenian Dionysia, it is not clear how the performances at these festivals were organized. The difficulty arises from the fact that apart from a few great centres which may have had their own theatre production, playwrights, actors, etc., the majority of cities depended on the travelling of Dionysos’.1 It seems that the of Dionysiac artists were formed early in the third century. Three major Dionysiac associations—the Athenian, the Isthmian and Nemean, and the Ionian and Hellespontian—operated in Greece, Asia Minor, and the islands in Hellenistic times. The question is how these associations functioned. Were they theatrical companies as well as professional guilds? Did they undertake the organization of musical and dramatic performances at various festivals? Was there a division of territories between the and were certain festivals dominated by certain guilds?


1910 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. M. Woodward

This paper contains some notes on miscellaneous inscriptions of which all but two are in Athens. The two exceptions are, firstly, the Ἀστραγαλομαντϵία inscription at Adalia, of which I publish a copy which will, I trust, be found more accurate than any of the previous versions; and, secondly, a recently discovered inscription from Northern Phocis dating probably from the end of the second, or the beginning of the third, century A.D. The remainder of the paper is devoted to some corrections in previously published copies of inscriptions in the Acropolis Museum.During a recent visit to Adalia (Attalia) in Pamphylia I copied again the well-known Ἀστραγαλομαντϵία inscription which is built into a wall there in one of the streets not far from the harbour; and it seems worth while to publish here the text of the inscription in minuscules, with a few critical notes. The most accessible copy of the stone is that given in Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca No. 1038, but it is very faulty, and since that work was published other copies of the same inscription, or of similar inscriptions which are almost identically worded, have been found in Asia Minor. The most complete version was found by Sterrett at Ördekji (Anabura) in Pisidia (Papers of the American School at Athens, iii. [The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor] pp. 206–214; Hermes xiii. pp. 532 foll.), and enabled many of the previously uncertain readings on the Adalia stone to be cleared up; and a fragmentary inscription of the same class which is in places identical with that at Adalia was found at Aghlasun (Sagalassus) in Pisidia more recently.


Author(s):  
Shadia Abdel Rahman Al - Balawi

Mecca has received the sanctity and place in the hearts of Muslims a lot of different writings that covered various political and cultural aspects of its history through different ages, yet we note through our study that Mecca, despite its great importance, but the sources of Islamic history were keen on The history of Mecca since the time of the Prophet peace be upon him until the middle of the second century AH, on the day of Mecca was the center of political activity and scientific alike, and then began to diminish this concern, especially since the beginning of the third century AH, these sources are no longer provide us only a little Nazer focused primarily On The history of religious Mecca, such as the pilgrimage to people and so on, rarely refer to the aspects of political life, economic and civilization of this country, but this little information with the written historian Makkah Azraqi and Fakhi in the third century, provides the researcher important information about the history of Mecca during the first three centuries, Historians Azraqi in the year 250 AH and Fakhi in the year 280 AH entered the history of Mecca in the almost forgotten, and surrounded by the mystery, which lasted for five centuries, that the rule of God has a historian of its children in the eighth century AH is Taqi al-Din Fassi Fassi felt the vacuum experienced by historians Mecca m A drive on the classification of books bosses (precious decade) and (healing gram), two of the most important books that relied upon in my study of the neighboring Mecca, and given the importance of this layer (Majaoron) in Mecca society and its substantial role in which it has signed an optional on this subject to search.


1982 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Parke

Zosimus, after recording the foundation and immense growth of Constantinople, introduces a digression directed towards his purpose of justifying paganism against Christianity. ‘It has often indeed occurred to me to wonder how, when the city of the Byzantines has grown, so that no other can compare with it for prosperity and size, there was no prophecy delivered from the gods of our predecessors about its development to a better fortune. With this thought in mind I have turned over many volumes of histories and collections of oracles, and with difficulty I happened upon one oracle said to be of the Sibyl of Erythrae or of Phaennis of Epirus. (For she is said to have produced oracles when in a state of possession.) Nicomedes, the son of Prusias, put his confidence in this oracle, and interpreting it in an advantageous sense he took up war against his father, Prusias, at the persuasion of Attalus.’ Zosimus proceeds to quote twenty-one lines of hexameter verse, which have come down in a rather corrupt state, but of which the general sense is reasonably clear. They consist mainly of an obvious post eventum forecast of the Gallic invasion of Asia Minor in the third century B.C.


1952 ◽  
Vol 45 (11) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Solomon Katz ◽  
David Magie
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