Greek High Culture in Hellenistic and Early Imperial Bithynia

The article attempts to set out evidence for various forms of Greek high culture in Bithynia from the fifth century BC to the middle of the third century AD, taking as a cut-off point the tetrarchic period in which Diocletian’s choice of Nicomedia as a capital had a marked impact on its and other Bithynian cities’ cultural life. The preliminary prosopography lists representatives of Greek culture by city, subdividing into the categories doctor, grammaticus, historian, philosopher, poet, rhetor or sophist, and scholar (with a sprinkling of other performers). Only Nicaea, with 30 names, makes a strong and persistent showing; of other cities only Nicomedia musters more than 10 names, though Prusa and Prusias ad mare produce several doctors. Prusias ad Hypium, by contrast, can boast only a single philosopher, perhaps a rhetor who moved to Nicaea, and a visiting tragic performer.

A LITERARY READING IN THE LINGUISTIC EFFORTS OF IBN QUTAYBA IN HIS BOOK ADAB ‎AL-KĀTIB “THE WRITER'S LITERATURE”‎

Ibn Qutayba (d. 276 AH / 889 AD) was attentive in both the Arabic linguistics‏ ‏and its literature, ‎whereas he hath assorted numerous workbooks which testify his care about, and those who came ‎after, have been benefited from his critical material on the fields of language and literature, this ‎incipit of the research is concerned with reading Ibn Qutayba's linguistic views through the ‎subject of his book Adab al-Kātib “The Writer's Literature” particularly those related to ‎orthography and solecism in the Arabs’ language, and the importance of the research lies in ‎shedding light on the Arab linguistic legacy in the third century AH\ ninth century AD, and ‎displaying the impact of Ibn Qutayba in it, and the objective of the research is to analyze what ‎was mentioned in two important linguistic topics from the book of Adab al-Kātib “The Writer’s ‎Literature” which are: the topic of rectification of the hand and the topic of rectification of the ‎tongue, which they are both linguistic topics that show the prevailing linguistics status in the era ‎of Ibn Qutayba, thence, they are also considered a door to understanding the linguistic opinions ‎that the writer gleaned from his wells and sheikhs.‎ The research deals with linguistic problems related to the orthography and the Arab solecism and ‎phonetics among the populace in the era of Ibn Qutayba, relying on a research framework that ‎begins with a preamble considering both the writer and the book, and then deals with the ‎linguistics status in the third century AH through what was mentioned in the book’s sermon, then ‎he presents some of what was mentioned in his book Adab al-Kātib ”The Writer’s Literature” in ‎the two chapters; rectification of the hand and rectification of the tongue, then epitomized the ‎disputations between Ibn Qutayba and the commentators of his book regarding the two ‎mentioned sections, and the research is concluded with a brief epilogue that presents his most ‎prominent conclusions.‎

THE ANTIKYTHERA WRECK: A NUMISMATIC APPROACH

The paper examines the coins found inside the Antikythera wreck. The wreck of Antikythera was discovered by chance by some sponge fishermen in October 1900, in the northern part of the island of Antikythera. The archaeological excavation of the wreck has allowed the recovery of many finds in marble and bronze, with acquisitions of human skeletons related to the crew of the sunken ship, in addition to the famous “Antikythera mechanism”. Various proposals have been made for the chronology of the shipwreck, as well as the port of departure of the ship, which have been based on literary sources or on the chronology of ceramic finds. As far as coins are concerned, it should be remembered that thirty-six silver coins and some forty bronze coins were recovered in 1976, all corroded and covered by encrustations. The separate study of the two classes of materials, those Aegean and those Sicilian allows to deepen the history of the ship shipwrecked to Antikythera. The treasury of silver coinage is composed of thirty-six silver cistophoric tetradrachms, 32 of which are attributable to the mint of Pergamon and 4 to that of Ephesus. From the chronological point of view, the coins minted in Pergamon have been attributed by scholars to the years from 104/98 B.C. to 76/67 B.C., the date that marks the end of the coinage until 59 B.C. The coins of Ephesus are easier to date because they report the year of issue, even if, in the specimens found, the only legible refers to the year 53, corresponding to our 77/76 B.C., if it is assumed as the beginning of the era of Ephesus its elevation to the capital of the province of Asia in 129 B.C., or 82/81 B.C., if we consider 134/133 B.C., the year of the creation of the Provincia Asiana. As for the three legible bronzes, we note that there are a specimen of Cnidus and two of Ephesus. The coin of the city of Caria was dated by scholars in the second half of the third century B.C. The two bronzes of Ephesus are dated almost unanimously around the middle of the first century B.C., although this fundamental data was never considered for the dating of the shipwreck. The remaining three legible bronzes from Asian mints, two from the Katane mint and one from the Panormos mint, belong to a completely different geographical context, such as Sicily, with its own circulation of coins. The two coins of Katane show a typology with a right-facing head of Dionysus with ivy crown, while on the reverse we find the figures of the Pii Fratres of Katane, Amphinomos and Anapias, with their parents on their shoulders. The specimen of Panormos has on the front the graduated head of Zeus turned to the left, and on the verse the standing figure of a warrior with whole panoply, in the act of offering a libation, with on the left the monogram of the name of the mint. As regards the series of Katane, usually dated to the second century B.C., it should be noted, as, moreover, had already noticed Michael Crawford, that there is an extraordinary similarity between the reverse of these bronzes and that of the issuance of silver denarii in the name of Sextus Pompey, that have on the front the head of the general, facing right, and towards the two brothers from Katane on the sides of a figure of Neptune with an aplustre in his right hand, and the foot resting on the bow of the ship, dated around 40 B.C., during the course of the Bellum siculum. We wonder how it is possible to justify the presence in a wreck of the half of the first century B.C. of two specimens of a very rare series of one hundred and fifty years before, but well known to the engravers of the coins of Sextus Pompey. The only possible answer is that Katane coins have been minted more recently than scholars have established. For the coin series of Panormos, then, it must be kept in mind that there are three different variants of the same type of reverse, for which it is not possible to indicate a relative chronology. In one coin issue, the legend of the ethnic is written in Greek characters all around the warrior; in another coin we have a monogram that can be easily dissolved as an abbreviation of the name of the city of Panormos; in the third, in addition to the same monogram, we find the legend CATO, written in Latin characters. In our opinion, this legend must necessarily refer to the presence in Sicily of Marcus Porcius Cato of Utica, with the charge of propraetor in the year 49 B.C. Drawing the necessary consequences from the in-depth analysis, the data of the Sicilian coins seem to attest to their production towards the middle of the first century B.C., in line with what is obtained from the ceramic material found inside the shipwrecked ship, and from the dating of the coins of Ephesus. The study of numismatic materials and a proposal of more precise dating allows to offer a new chronological data for the sinking of the ship. The presence of rare bronze coins of Sicilian mints suggests that the ship came from a port on the island, most likely from that of Katane.

Britannia Superior (c. AD 225–50)

This chapter explores further manifestations of wealth and power in and around early third-century London, particularly evident in the rise of mystery cults and new burial practices. It starts by reviewing evidence of the expansion of the presumed suburban villa and building of a bathhouse at Shadwell c. AD 228. This was perhaps occupied by an important government official linked to the coastal supply routes later developed into the forts of the Saxon shore. Several other villas and townhouses were refurbished at this time, when the temple of Mithras was built. These and other finds reported on here attest to the popularity of a diverse range of mystery and salvation cults, with a particularly wide repertoire of Bacchic motifs. London’s later Roman cemeteries expanded as inhumation gained in popularity, and cremation became a rarer rite. The chapter describes the archaeological evidence for these changed burial practices which can also be linked to the rise of soteriological belief systems that encouraged ideas of physical resurrection. The reasons for these changed mentalities are considered in the context of the history of the period.

Algunas imágenes del ejército romano en el siglo III (235-284)

In this work we intend to offer a clear and concise view of some of the fundamental aspects of the Roman army that emerged from the “Crisis of the Third Century”, a traumatic period full of transformations that altered the structures of the Roman State forever. We will try to show that some of the most important changes of those key moments were linked to the army, from which the basis of well-known Later Roman Empire would emerge, ultimately represented by the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine. En este trabajo pretendemos ofrecer una visión clara y concisa de algunos de los aspectos fundamentales del ejército romano surgido a partir de la “Crisis del siglo III”, un periodo traumático y lleno de transformaciones que alteraron las estructuras del estado romano para siempre. Intentaremos mostrar que algunos de los cambios más importantes de esos cruciales momentos estuvieron vinculados al ejército, del que surgiría la base para la aparición del consabido Imperio Tardío, representado en última instancia por las reformas de Diocleciano y Constantino.

Vehicles of the Soul from Plato to Philoponus

This chapter traces the prehistory of the subtle body, developing out of late antique Neoplatonic conceptions of the ochema-pneuma, “vehicles of the soul,” which bear souls from one incarnation to the next. It goes through the entire history of late antique Neoplatonism surveying how major thinkers engaged with and formulated ideas about these soul-bearing vehicles, from the mystical existentialism of Porphyry and Iamblichus (third century) to the detailed and philosophically sophisticated descriptions of Damascius and John Philoponus (sixth century). It ends with the ascendance of Christianity for which this notion was no longer useful, jettisoning the subtle body and sending the idea into a thousand-year slumber.

The third-century ‘crisis’ (c. AD 250–70)

London’s port was abandoned in the mid-third century and its waterfront quays dismantled in changes that cast important new light on the problems of the third century. This chapter sets out the detail of the redundancy of London’s port and reviews arguments that might explain it. It does so by establishing a chronology that suggests that the port ceased to function effectively c. AD 255, and that the waterfront was crudely refashioned into a bank at some point in the 260s. This redundancy followed a rapid decline in the volume of goods being traded over longer-distances, and is argued to have been the consequence of a revised policy with regard to annona. The Thames may also have ceased to be tidal at this time, contributing to the redundancy of the port but not explaining the speed of its dereliction and destruction. Further light obtains from a study of the failure and abandonment of sites associated with Wealden iron production. An explanation is proposed: involving a loss of military manpower and naval capacity, possibly provoked by the epidemic of the 250s known as the plague of Cyprian and compounded by military failure and barbarian threat. Rome’s loss of control over its coastal waters and rising Frankish piracy at the time of the Gallic Empire might explain why ships ceased to dock at London’s quays, which were dismantled to defend the riverside.

Res publica ciceroniana e ‘anarchia militare’ In margine a due Vitae della Historia Augusta

This paper sets out to elaborate on the persistence of the republican ideal in imperial Rome through the lens of historiography. The investigation – which is meant to be part of a wider workplan – is divided in two parts. Firstly, it focuses on what is believed to be a key-factor of such persistence: Cicero’s elaboration of the ideal government of the Roman state in his De re publica. Secondly, it highlights significant testimonies focusing on two momentous events of the third century, notably from the Historia Augusta, which suggest the persistence of Cicero’s assessment: the rise of Pupienus and Balbinus and the death of Maximinus (238), and the rise of Tacitus (275).

"Shaking His Hairy Chaps": The Iconography of Bearded Snakes

<p>The bearded snake is an unusual motif that appears in a variety of contexts and media throughout the Classical world. It is used in Greek, Etruscan, Roman, and Egyptian art and literature. This thesis addresses the Greek use of the bearded snake. The beard of the snake, much like the beard of a human figure, varies in terms of its size, shape, and level of detailing. It may be a simple single line or a series of long, clearly defined hairs. The use of this human feature on serpents has received minimal attention. When the motif is discussed it is generally only considered in terms of its use in one context, such as on depictions of Zeus Meilichios or on the Lakonian hero reliefs. The aim of this thesis is to discuss the use of the bearded snake in the most common contexts in which it may occur in order to provide a better understanding of the meaning of this unusual motif. Such contexts include anguiform deities, pure serpents, hybrid creatures, and attributes of monsters and deities. Two of the more influential explanations of the use of the beard are those by Aelian, from the third century AD, and Jane Harrison, from 1903. These interpretations consider the bearded snake in slightly different terms. Where Aelian believes the beard to indicate a male serpent, Harrison considers the feature to be a means through which the snake is implied to be an anthropomorphic deity. Chapter One provides the background interpretations of the snake and the beard as distinct motifs. The findings from this chapter will form the basis for the interpretations given in Chapters Two and Three. Chapter Two considers the flaws of Aelian’s explanation of the beard as an indicator of gender, by looking at the use of the beard in the context of divine and monstrous women such as Medusa and Athena. Chapter Three addresses Harrison’s anthropomorphic argument, by considering both anguiform and non-anguiform figures. This will provide a wider range of contexts than either Aelian or Harrison discuss. In doing so, I intend to consider the meaning of the bearded snake using a considerably larger range of sources, in order to give the best possible explanation for this unusual motif.</p>

Iconography and Archaeology

This chapter critically examines how scholars have interpreted Roman portraits of the third century ce. It focuses on two case studies. The first is a famous portrait of Maximinus Thrax from the Albani collection and now in the Capitoline Museum. Read through the lens of late antique literary sources, the portrait has been seen by art historians as portraying Maximinus’ ferocity, physical strength, and low class, barbarian origins. The second case study is a far less well-known pair of portraits excavated at the Roman villa of Lullingstone, south of London, which became the object of a highly unusual domestic cult in late antiquity. These case studies are used to argue that the heavy reliance on iconography and literary sources required to interpret portraits lacking archaeological context is less reliable and less informative than interpretations derived from a combination of iconography and archaeology.