French Politics and The Municipal Elections of March 1983

1983 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Marcus ◽  
Carroll Dorgan
2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 625-634
Author(s):  
Andrew Sobanet ◽  
Lisa Singh
Keyword(s):  
Big Data ◽  

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882199025
Author(s):  
Patrick Cunha Silva ◽  
Brian F Crisp

Electoral systems vary in terms of the choice and influence they offer voters. Beyond selecting between parties, preferential systems allow for choices within parties. More proportional systems make it likely that influence over who determines the assembly’s majority will be distributed across relatively more voters. In response to systems that limit choice and influence, we hypothesize that voters will cast more blank, null, or spoiled ballots on purpose. We use a regression discontinuity opportunity in French municipal elections to test this hypothesis. An exogenously chosen and arbitrary cutpoint is used to determine the electoral rules municipalities use to select their assemblies. We find support for our reasoning—systems that do not allow intraparty preference votes and that lead to disproportional outcomes provoke vote spoilage. Rates of vote spoilage are frequently sufficient to change control over the assembly if those votes had instead been cast validly for the second-place party.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-209
Author(s):  
Howard Machin

THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE ON MITTERRAND IS NEITHER TO ‘bury’ him nor to praise him, but rather to assess the impact of his presidency on French politics and French socialism. Any such assessment is inevitably a partial and interim report. The full impact of several socialist reforms (notably those concerning decentralization and workers' rights) might only become apparent after several years of implementation. But in January 1988 Mitterrand is still in the Elyste Palace. Despite his loss of a parliamentary majority in the 1986 elections and his subsequent ‘cohabitation’ with Chirac's RPR-UDF government, Mitterrand has won back, since 1986, considerable popularity and respect.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 296-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander De Grand

The idea of an Italian Sonderweg is interesting, but it is not exactly a new interpretation of the Giolittian era. Gaetano Salvemini was very clear in blaming Giolitti for distorting Italy's path to democracy. I agree with Paul Corner's cautionary remark that nothing before the First World War made fascism inevitable. Still, we should look closely at the fifteen years before the Great War, if for no other reason than the fact that the great hopes for reform that marked the period gave rise to little structural reform. Giolitti simply did not bring about the modernisation of the liberal parliamentary system. However, I have my doubts that this adds up to a Sonderweg. Nowhere on the Continent did a modern mass party of the bourgeoisie emerge before 1914. Moreover, in no country did the middle-class movement for reform develop solid links with the growing socialist movement. It is curious in this regard that Corner never mentions France. Certainly the Giolittian era resembles the post-Dreyfus period in French politics more than anything that happened in Germany. It would be interesting for Professor Corner to expand on the viability of the British Lib–Lab pact of 1906; it is implied that this was a model that worked elsewhere on the Continent (p. 286). I also find it surprising that he finds the roots of the Weimar coalition in prewar imperial Germany (p. 294).


1971 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-440
Author(s):  
John Frears.
Keyword(s):  

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