Direct Democracy at the Local Level in Switzerland

Switzerland's more than 2,200 municipalities enjoy a high degree of autonomy and strongly developed direct democratic rights. The diversity of communal forms of direct democracy is correspondingly large. This chapter aims to trace the basic structures of these local democracies. One important distinction is at the centre of the argument. While the majority of municipalities are organised in direct democratic assemblies, the parliamentary system dominates in the larger cities and in many municipalities in French- and Italian-speaking Switzerland. However, equating parliaments with representative democracy and municipal assemblies with radical, direct democracy falls short of the mark. In fact, the local level reveals a vibrant and diverse mix of models of democracy. Depending on the cultural area and the situation of the individual municipalities, different approaches are taken to involve the voters in democratic decision making.

The Constitutional and Legal Organization of the Supreme Constitutional Court in the Iraqi State for the Year 2005

The constitutional system in Iraq after the overthrow of the previous regime in 2003 witnessed major fundamental changes, which marked the end of a historical era, the advent of the beginning of a new phase of political and constitutional history, and the adoption of the federal (federal) system as a form of the new Iraqi state, where Iraq transformed from a simple state to a complex state. With the adoption of the democratic parliamentary system based on the principle of separation of powers and respect for the constitution by emphasizing the principle of the supremacy of the constitution as a system for the work of state authorities and the management of its various constitutional institutions. If the constitutional distribution of competencies between the federal authorities is one of the essential characteristics of the federal systems, then one of the important features in the design of any federalism and its effective operation is to ensure the rule of law and the constitution as the source of powers, and in contrast, one of the authorities infringes on the powers of the other, which leads to a constitutional imbalance in the federalism And the matter that leads to its disintegration and its end, and in order to preserve this constitutional system, it is necessary to establish a supreme judicial body to ensure respect for the application of the constitutional principles of this system and not to be violated. The federal system is characterized by the presence of a Supreme Constitutional Court that works to monitor the constitutionality of laws and chapters In disputes between the central regions, it has the authority to interpret the Iraqi federal constitution, especially the interpretation of the constitutional rules related to the distribution of constitutional powers between the regions and the federal government. Which is one of the thorny issues in the countries of the union, and on this basis in Iraq the foregoing was the establishment of the Federal Supreme Court, which was granted by the constitution judicial and political competencies in order to exercise its role in preserving the union and the balance of powers within it while preserving the constitution and safeguarding its principles.

Constitutional Politics

In 1948, the Constitution was enacted by the Constitutional National Assembly, and a presidential system was adopted. But it was a hybrid system with both presidential and parliamentary system elements. Even though nine constitutions have been promulgated since then, this characteristic has remained fundamentally unchanged. Under the authoritarian regimes, the dictators forcibly revised the Constitution to strengthen their power and extend their terms of office. Constitutional politics, then, was fraught with serious conflict. South Korea was democratized in 1987, and the Constitution was democratically revised accordingly. The most important thing in this new Constitution was the restoration of the popularly elected presidential system. But the 1987 Constitution was modelled on the 1962 Constitution, and does not fit well with today’s democratized and diverse Korean society. The need to decentralize the authority and power of central government is another reason for constitutional reform.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENTARY AND SEMI-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.

Party Fragmentation, the Proportional System and Democracy in Slovenia

In Slovenia, political parties have been the key actors in opting for a proportional electoral system and constitutional choice of a parliamentary system, both of which are believed to help to develop a consensual type of democracy. However, a vicious circle involving a fragmented party system and a proportional electoral system has not only led to polarisation within the party system, but has also contributed to problems of democratic governability and legitimacy. The destabilisation of the party system since 2011 has not only caused a crisis of political legitimacy and accountability, but has also contributed to a recent trend of de-democratisation. At the moment, there does not appear to be a realistic alternative to the existing electoral rules in the near future, in spite of recurring calls by an anti-communist party (Slovenian Democratic Party) to introduce a majoritarian system.

Continuity and Change in the New Zealand Parliament

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>

Continuity and Change in the New Zealand Parliament

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>

“Robbery Made the Kingdom of Italy, Misery Will Unmake It”

This contribution analyses the nineteenth-century debate on one of the most hotly debated topics of Italian history: public debt and taxation. Starting in the 1850s, fiscal policies were weaponised by liberal nationalist elites and their opponents alike to promote their contrary worldviews by arguing over the merits of national unification and a parliamentary system on the basis of their fiscal outcomes. First Piedmont, then unified Italy, were eagerly expected by Catholics and Bourbon legitimists to default on their debts as a result of their moral and fiscal profligacy, while liberals were concerned about popular support for the national cause in a context of rising taxes. Southern Italy in particular was very vocal in denouncing its perceived fiscal mistreatment by the Italian government, an accusation the North rejected by portraying Southerners as unpatriotic tax evaders. Today, these narratives are re-emerging not only in public debates questioning the Risorgimento as the nation’s founding myth but also in the discourse about European integration.

Possibilities to Obtain Higher Education in Germany for Latvian Baltic German Students

With the formation of the Parliamentary Republic of Latvia in the early 1920s, higher education in Latvia underwent the changes that affected the Baltic Germans. The necessity to obtain higher education in the Latvian language was perceived with mixed feelings, and the interest in the establishment and development of the University of Latvia (UL) and involvement in the reorganisation of the Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) went hand in hand with the reluctance to accept the full Latvianization of higher education. In the circumstances, the students used contacts established by their student corporations and sought for higher education in Germany, where it could be obtained in German but later equated to the higher education obtained in Latvia. Thus, the aim of the article is to evaluate the possibilities for the Baltic German students from the parliamentary state of Latvia (1920–1934) to study in German universities. The research is based on the documents of UL and Baltic German student corporations from the Latvian State Historical Archive (LVVA), Baltic German student corporation press (journals and anniversary books) kept in the UL Library, UL activity reports (1924–1931) stored in UL Museum history collection and available research on the Baltic German minority in the Parliamentary Republic of Latvia. The study showed that during the parliamentary period, the Latvian Baltic Germans used the state granted minority rights to find alternative ways to obtain higher education in German. The parliamentary system did not discriminate against the Baltic Germans for their use of the German language and allowed them to study in Germany but demanded that their diplomas be equated with the diploma obtained at the UL. The contacts established by student corporations helped Baltic German students to better integrate into the German study environment offering accommodation on the premises of student corporations in Germany. At the same time, additional knowledge through lectures on the political situation of Baltic Germans in the parliamentary state of Latvia did not allow them losing their historical connection with the Baltic region.

Changing the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo

The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has constituted the principle of separation and control of the balance between state powers as a fundamental principle of democracy, by designating representative bodies belonging to state powers such as Parliament, Government, and Judiciary. In addition, the Constitution sanctions other state bodies that have a constitutional character and together create the form of governance in the Republic of Kosovo. Among them also the President functions as a constitutional body exercising the executive duty and having ceremonial competencies. The President in Kosovo is a neutral authority because he/she is a representative of the people’s unity. The authorities in Kosovo create a "check and balance" among themselves for the normal functioning of the state. Kosovo is considered a parliamentary Republic, not sanctioned by the constitution but implied based on the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.In addition to electing the Government, the Parliament also elects the President of the Republic, so in this study, we will address the function of the President, the exercise of his duties, his competencies, and his relationship with other state bodies. We will also analyze the system of governance and the principle of separation and balance of powers, with special emphasis on the constitutional position of the President in the Republic of Kosovo. Among other things, we will address in particular the complexity of the procedures for the election of the President of the Republic of Kosovo. Considering the ongoing problems that have accompanied the presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo and that continue to be so, it is necessary to clarify whether “the constitutional reform initiative for the President of the Republic of Kosovo to be voted by the people is considered the most current and best way of overcoming the present parliamentary stalemate in the election of the candidate for the President of the Republic, as well as whether the implementation of this reform is conditioned by the will of the political parties and the people”. In general, from the stated scientific elaboration of the topic, we can conclude that the intention of this paper consists in determining the constitutional regulation of the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo applied in the parliamentary system, empirical elaboration of problems that accompanied the election of presidents in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the immediate need to change the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo.