scholarly journals /h/‐dropping and occupational role in Stoke‐on‐Trent's pottery industry

Author(s):  
Hannah Leach
Work ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Aline Ferreira Placeres ◽  
Regina Célia Fiorati ◽  
Jonas Bodini Alonso ◽  
Débora Couto de Mello Carrijo ◽  
Tiago Silva Jesus

1949 ◽  
Vol 57 (641) ◽  
pp. 133-137
Author(s):  
Shoichiro Nagai ◽  
Michio Sekiya

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kitching

The shortage of coal to feed the pottery industry in Burslem led pottery owners Wood & Caldwell to purchase the nearby Bycars colliery to secure supplies. The problems faced with water flooding the workings and the actions of rogue neighbours forced the installation of ever larger pumping engines and prompted technical innovation to increase the power of these engines. This paper outlines the problems faced with water and the attempts to drain the mines by increasingly powerful engines. The unscrupulous actions of the Gallimore family, tenants of the adjacent colliery, and the effect on the pumping arrangements over many years are detailed.


1992 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 515-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Rigby ◽  
lan Virgo ◽  
Glenys Russell ◽  
Simone Cormack

2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 710-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Hart

In the context of the take-over by a global corporation (Royal Doulton) of a family-owned and run pottery factory in Longton Stoke-on-Trent, known as ‘Beswick’, and the subsequent re-structuring of production, this paper explores the way in which women pottery workers make social distinctions between the ‘rough’ and ‘posh’, ‘proper paintresses’ and ‘big heads’ which cut into and across abstract sociological notions of class. Drawing on ethnographic data I show that for these working class women, class as lived is inherently ambiguous and contradictory and reveal the ways in which class is gendered. I build on historical and sociological studies of the pottery industry, and anthropological and related debates on class, as well as Frankenberg's study of a Welsh village, to develop my argument and draw analogies between factory and village at a number of levels. My findings support the view that class is best understood not as an abstract generalising category, but in the local and specific contexts of women's working lives. I was the first one in our family to go in decorating end and they thought I was a bit stuck-up. My sister was in clay end as a cup-handler and I had used to walk off factory without her, or wait for her to leave before I left, though she said, ‘If it wasn't for me you wouldn't have anything to paint!’ They were much freer in the clay end – had more to do with men – we thought we were one up. 1


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