Chapter Three. Ethnicity, Security, And Public Diplomacy: Irish-Americans And Ireland’s Neutrality In World War II

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Anton B. Gekht

This article examines the role of Marcus Wallenberg Jr., a prominent financier and industrialist, one of the leaders of the financial and industrial group of the Wallenberg family, in the foreign policy of Sweden on the eve of and during World War II. Having concentrated in his hands the main threads of influence on the industry and the financial sphere of the kingdom, Marcus Wallenberg was unofficially involved in the development of the foreign policy of the kingdom, which sought to be out of direct involvement in the war. The article examines various contacts with representatives of the opposing sides, carries out with the active participation of this banker and industrialist, both as part of official delegations and as individuals – the main focus is on establishing interaction between the USSR and Finland in 1943-1944, as well as cooperation with the Allies – Britain and the United States. The article also analyses the non-institutionalised regular contacts of Marcus Wallenberg Jr. with the political leadership of Sweden during 1938-1945, including the difficulties faced by the financial and industrial group under his control in the period immediately after the end of World War II.


2019 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoav Dubinsky

AbstractSince the Ancient Greek athletics and through the revivals of the Olympic Movement and the first modern Olympics in Athens in 1896, countries, cities and governments have sought to take advantage by hosting Olympic Games and other sport events. The purpose of this study is to analyze the different facets of country image through the evolution of the Olympic movement. Countries and governments used and will continue to use the Games to renovate infrastructure, build new facilities, expose local products and new technologies, leverage tourism, improve the local and international political and social image, promote tourism and show superiority on the sports field that will enable them to try and reach their economic, political and social goals. The article is significant as it analyzes how countries, cities, communities, and other pressure groups used the Olympic Games, since the revival of the Olympic Movement in the late 19th century, the new traditions after World War I, the political era after World War II and during the Cold War, the commercialized era and the legacy-oriented era in early 21st century.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 480-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Gournay ◽  
Jane C. Loeffler

In 1927, when the United States and Canada established their first relatively unpretentious legations in Ottawa and Washington, no one imagined how quickly they would become functionally and symbolically obsolete. By the end of World War II, both countries were seeking to expand their office space, and by the late 1960s, they were looking for ways to build new buildings. Each understood that the challenge was how most effectively to enhance the building's diplomatic presence. At the same time, planners in both capitals saw these projects as means of reinforcing the city's governmental core and promoting urbanity and civic identity. They encouraged the two governments to choose conspicuous downtown locations of great symbolic significance. Arthur Erickson designed the Canadian Embassy (1981-89), which stands on Pennsylvania Avenue at the foot of Capitol Hill, and David M. Childs headed the team at Skidmore, Owings & Merrill that designed the U. S. Embassy (1994-99) for an equally prominent site across from Ottawa's Parliament. Both architects faced daunting challenges: how to create a multipurpose structure to accommodate an array of different government offices; how to make a bold statement of national identity while showing respect for the host city and its urban design; and how to reconcile openness and accessibility with ever-increasing demands for security. This study examines architecture's role in public diplomacy and uses the two chanceries to explore the process through which design becomes purposeful civic achievement.


Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov

The concept of “soft power”, which gained popularity in recent years, was developed by the United States at the end of the Cold War. However, Germany has been using similar foreign policy tools long before the emergence of this term in 1990. The subject of this research is the German strategy of “soft power” with its own tradition and specificity that differs significantly from other countries. Public diplomacy remains the key instrument in building the “soft power” potential of Germany. Therefore, analysis is conducted on the evolution of the main vectors of “soft power” policy of the country and the activity of the key actors of its public diplomacy for the past 150 years. The article describes the use of “soft power” strategies by various political regimes that were in power in Germany. The conclusion is made that in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, which appeared on the world map in 1949, “soft power” and public diplomacy have played and continue to play an important role, allowing to achieve significant gains on the international arena in light of restrictions imposed after the World War II regarding the use of “hard power” tools. However, the German experience shows that excessive enthusiasm for building the internationally attractive image of the country may lead to quite unpredictable consequences.


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