The Role of Ideology and Political Sophistication in the Structure of Foreign Policy Attitudes

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie A. Sulfaro
2011 ◽  
Vol 205 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hays Gries ◽  
Qingmin Zhang ◽  
H. Michael Crowson ◽  
Huajian Cai

AbstractWhat is the nature of Chinese patriotism and nationalism, how does it differ from American patriotism and nationalism, and what impact do they have on Chinese foreign policy attitudes? To explore the structure and consequences of Chinese national identity, three surveys were conducted in China and the US in the spring and summer of 2009. While patriotism and nationalism were empirically similar in the US, they were highly distinct in China, with patriotism aligning with a benign internationalism and nationalism with a more malign blind patriotism. Chinese patriotism/internationalism, furthermore, had no impact on perceived US threats or US policy preferences, while nationalism did. The role of nationalist historical beliefs in structures of Chinese national identity was also explored, as well as the consequences of historical beliefs for the perception of US military and humiliation threats.


Author(s):  
Joshua D. Kertzer ◽  
Kathleen E. Powers

Since at least 1964, public opinion scholars have searched for signs of “constraint” in the American public’s foreign policy attitudes. This chapter reviews these attempts and suggests that the ensuing work has ultimately fallen into two research traditions that have largely been conducted in isolation of one another: horizontal models that portray attitudes as being sorted along multiple dimensions on the same plane and vertical models that imply a hierarchical organization in which abstract values determine specific policy positions. It then offers a new—networked—paradigm for political attitudes in foreign affairs, leveraging tools from network analysis to show that both camps make unrealistically strict assumptions about the directionality and uniformity of attitude structure. The chapter shows that specific policy attitudes play more central roles than existing theories give them credit for and that the topology of attitude networks varies substantially with individual characteristics like political sophistication.


Author(s):  
A. Kupatadze ◽  
T. Zeitzoff

AbstractWe investigate how emotions, threat perceptions and past violence influence foreign policy attitudes via a survey experiment in Georgia. Using a stratified sample across areas with differential exposure to the conflict and the presence of internally displaced persons, we randomly assign respondents to receive emotional primes about Russian aggression in the region. We find that exposure to violence, as well as simply being primed about past Russian aggression, both increase the perceived threat from Russia, and to a lesser extent anger towards Russia. Individuals who receive the primes are more supportive of a hardline foreign policy. In contrast, we find that exposure to violence does not have a direct effect on foreign policy attitudes, but increases hardline attitudes indirectly, through increased anger and threat. Taken together our results provide evidence that reminders of past violence have different effects than direct exposure to violence on foreign policy attitudes.


1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew H. Ziegler

Previous studies of Western European foreign policy attitudes rely almost exclusively on single-item measures, such as support for defence spending, support for the new missiles in Europe, opinions on NATO, and so on. This article, using a multi-country data set, aggregates several survey items and explores the manner in which Europeans structure their attitudes towards one aspect of foreign policy: Atlantic co-operation. A factor analysis uncovers two underlying conceptual dimensions: military and non-military co-operation. These dimensions provide the axes to construct a four-fold typology of viewpoints, consisting of Atlanticists, Military Allies, Dovish Partners and Isolationists. Respondents are classified within this typology, and the European-wide and cross-national distributions of opinion are presented. The highest support for Atlantic co-operation is found among the West Germans, and the lowest is found among the French.


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