The Economics of Guilds

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheilagh Ogilvie

Occupational guilds in medieval and early modern Europe offered an effective institutional mechanism whereby two powerful groups, guild members and political elites, could collaborate in capturing a larger slice of the economic pie and redistributing it to themselves at the expense of the rest of the economy. Guilds provided an organizational mechanism for groups of businessmen to negotiate with political elites for exclusive legal privileges that allowed them to reap monopoly rents. Guild members then used their guilds to redirect a share of these rents to political elites in return for support and enforcement. In short, guilds enabled their members and political elites to negotiate a way of extracting rents in the manufacturing and commercial sectors, rents that neither party could have extracted on its own. First, I provide an overview of where and when European guilds arose, what occupations they encompassed, how large they were, and how they varied across time and space. I then examine how guild activities affected market competition, commercial security, contract enforcement, product quality, human capital, and technological innovation. The historical findings on guilds provide strong support for the view that institutions arise and survive for centuries not because they are efficient but because they serve the distributional interests of powerful groups.

Author(s):  
Joanna Craigwood

Chapter 1 uses myth and myth-ritual theory to make sense of previously unstudied myths about the shared origins of diplomacy and literature in English, French, Spanish, and Italian diplomatic handbooks. Such diplomatic theorists as Alberico Gentili, Juan Antonio de Vera y Figueroa, Gasparo Bragaccia, and James Howell adapted classical myths and biblical stories to link the establishment of diplomatic institutions with the emergence of the literary arts. Set against a mythical time of pre-civilized anarchy, their origin accounts imply that without the rhetorical and poetic abilities believed necessary both to create literature and to negotiate successfully, international relations would break down, and anarchy prevail once more. These myths expose beliefs about the foundational relationship between diplomacy and literature prevalent within the European political elites that produced and consumed them. This chapter argues that, as powerful, community-wide narratives, the handbooks’ fictional histories naturalized the use of literary products and the display of literary skills—such as oratory, theatricality, wit, and poetic sensibility—within the diplomatic rituals of early modern Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Arvidsson

This article investigates the potential role of the commons in the future transformation of digital capitalism by comparing it to the role of the commons in the transition to capitalism. In medieval and early modern Europe the commons supported gradual social and technological innovation as well as a new civil society organized around the combination of commons-based petty production and new ideals of freedom and equality. Today the new commons generated by the global real subsumption of ordinary life processes are supporting similar forms of commons-based petty production. After positioning the new petty producers within the framework of the crisis of digital capitalism, the article concludes by extrapolating a number of hypothetical scenarios for their role in its future transformation.


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Levy Peck

In an exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery of the work of William Dobson entitled “The Royalists at War,” one portrait among the Cavalier soldiers and commanders was that of Sir Thomas Aylesbury. Aylesbury holds in his hand a document that begins, “To the King's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition.” By posing in his official black robes that evoke the solemnity of the law and by giving the petition prominence, Aylesbury celebrates his position as a master of requests. As a master of requests even at Oxford in the 1640s, it was his role to present petitions to the king asking for redress of grievances or for personal advancement, in short, asking for royal bounty. As Dobson's portrait signifies, such petitions were not merely the seedy clamorings of early Stuart courtiers but an open and important link between the monarch and the subject, one suitable for commemoration in portraiture. The painting makes concrete, even in the midst of civil war, the king's traditional role as guarantor of justice and giver of favor. While the king's promise of justice goes back to early Anglo-Saxon dooms and tenth-century coronation oaths, his giving of largesse had expanded with the Renaissance monarchy of the Tudors.Historians of early modern Europe have become interested in court patronage as they have analyzed politics and political elites. From the fifteenth to the eighteenth century, from the work of MacFarlane to Namier, the study of relationships between patrons and clients has been at the forefront of modern historiography.


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