Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt and Syria (1798–1801) and His Policy towards Local Christians

В статье рассматриваются основные аспекты политики французского военного командования в отношении христианских общин Османского Египта и Османской Сирии во время экспедиции Бонапарта (1798–1801 гг.). Особое внимание уделено замыслам Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего по привлечению египетских и сирийских христиан к сотрудничеству с французской оккупационной администрацией в качестве чиновников и солдат вспомогательных военных отрядов. Также в статье рассматривается французская пропаганда в сопоставлении с практическими действиями в отношении египетских коптов и сирийских христиан наряду с ответной реакцией со стороны как христианских общин, так и мусульманского большинства населения Османского Египта и Османской Сирии. Выявлены противоречия и двойственность политики Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего Восточной армии – Клебера и Мену в отношении местных христиан. Французское командование рассматривало восточных христиан как потенциальных союзников, но в то же время не решалось выражать к ним особые симпатии, поскольку подобные действия могли вызвать возмущение среди мусульманского большинства населения и создать впечатление, что французы ведут религиозную войну против ислама и мусульман. В статье сделан вывод о том, что эта непоследовательность стала одной из причин неудачи египетской экспедиции Бонапарта, когда французская армия в ходе военных действий в Египте и Сирии оказалась отрезанной от Франции и в то же время не могла пополнять свои ряды добровольцами из числа местных жителей. The article examines the main aspects of the policy of the French military command in relation to the Christian communities of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria during the expedition of Bonaparte (1798–1801). Particular attention is paid to the plans of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief to attract Egyptian and Syrian Christians to cooperate with the French occupation administration as officials and soldiers of auxiliary military units. The article also examines French propaganda in comparison with practical actions towards Egyptian Copts and Syrian Christians, and the response from both Christian communities and the Muslim majority of the population of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria. The contradictions and ambiguity of the policy of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief of the Eastern Army – Kleber and Menou towards local Christians are revealed. The French command considered Eastern Christians as potential allies, but at the same time did not dare to express special sympathy for them, since such actions could cause outrage among the Muslim majority of the population and create the impression that the French are waging a religious war against Islam and Muslims. The article concludes that this inconsistency was one of the reasons for the failure of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition, when the French army was cut off from France during the hostilities in Egypt and Syria and at the same time could not replenish its ranks with volunteers from among the local residents.

Maintaining the Common Peace: Security and the Religious Peace of 1578 during the Dutch Revolt

This article analyses the failed Dutch Religious Peace of 1578 through the lens of security. As Wayne te Brake recently argued in Religious War and Religious Peace in Early Modern Europe, creating security for all parties is key for an effective religious peace. In the sixteenth century, communal security was deemed a collective responsibility. In practice this meant that religious peace – suppressing and preventing violence and threats between Protestants and Catholics – was framed as a matter of preserving the common peace. Theological questions were dissimulated or kept out of peace settlements. In 1578, the religious peace proposed that Catholics and Calvinists were to live in the Netherlands side by side, each allowed to worship publicly. Some 27 Dutch towns introduced this religious peace. Yet the municipal magistrates mostly did so reluctantly and generally declined to share political power, thus contributing to its failure. Moreover, there were different, conflicting conceptions at work concerning the common peace, as well as regarding how to keep it.

Voices of Rebellion

While Moses Lopez sought acceptance in Philadelphia, Isaac Lopez Brandon fought his own battles in Barbados. Before leaving the island, Brandon signed the Jews’ 1819 petition to the island legislature asking it to make the synagogue a vestry and give Jews the vote. For lower middle-class Jews, the bill was deeply distressing: they lacked property to vote anyway, and they didn’t want pay the mandatory taxes the change entailed. They were also enraged that Isaac Lopez Brandon, a “man of colour,” would gain privileges that white Jews of a middling sort could never hope to attain. Eventually the bill passed, but only after Isaac had been demoted and lost his right to vote in the synagogue. Isaac’s battle was part of a larger religious war waged by the Gill family, a battle that underscored the intertwined role of minority religions and rights on the island.

Calvinist Debates on History

From the mid-sixteenth century, the emergent Calvinist movement was actively engaged in the massive ‘turn to history’ generated by both confessional camps of the Reformation crisis, in their doctrinal and subsequently military and political confrontation that escalated into religious war. Following the lead of their Lutheran counterparts, Calvinist historians ascribed the confrontation in the broader, providential plan, while at the same time attempting to incorporate the national histories of their countries in the narrative of the opposition against Roman theological and political tyranny. Despite Calvin’s original distancing from the prophetic/apocalyptic discourse dominant in the Lutheran camp, the cataclysmic events ushered in by the escalation of the Reformation crisis, especially in France, generated a return to the prophetic/apocalyptic discourse of ecclesiastical history, historia sacra. With the sole exception of Lancelot Voisin de la Popelinière, Calvinist historians in the late sixteenth century sought consolation and encouragement in the providential history of the true, universal Church.

Epilogue

This epilogue examines the central themes of the Bible in the Civil War, including confidence in clear analogies between biblical texts and the war; faith in the war’s redemptive outcome, which, for many in the North, charged the United States with a divine mission in the world; and above all, reverence for the sacred sacrifice of the dead, whose blood had “consecrated” the nation. Through all the death and injury, endless debates over slavery, defenses of secession, and patriotism, the Bible was a constant reference. The American Civil War may not have been “a war of religion,” James McPherson wrote, but we should not forget “the degree to which it was a religious war.” In a similar way, the American Civil War was not primarily a war over the Bible, but it was a biblical war for many Americans.

The Scars of Religious War in Histories of French Cities (1600–1750)

This article explores the memory of France’s Wars of Religion in urban histories published during the century and a half that followed the restoration of peace with the Edict of Nantes in 1598. It asks why, despite explicit prohibitions against reviving memories of injuries suffered during the wars, local historians persisted in demonizing former opponents in histories that remained overtly confessional in their representation of the troubles. The article focuses on Catholic authors, who wrote fifty-six of the fifty-eight works examined. Protestants had little incentive to memorialize the towns in which they had a limited and declining position. Catholics, by contrast, mobilized memory to reaffirm a local identity rooted in Catholic practice and belief. Retelling the suffering local populations endured and recounting the city’s ritual responses to the religious schism, they pushed Protestants to the margins of a civic culture represented as inherently Catholic even in a bi-confessional state.