scholarly journals Voice onset time in English and Korean stops with respect to a sound change*

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
Mi-Ryoung Kim
Keyword(s):  
Voice Onset Time ◽  
Onset Time ◽  
Sound Change ◽  
Korean Stops

Effects of Sound Change on the Weighting of Acoustic Cues to the Three-Way Laryngeal Stop Contrast in Korean: Diachronic and Dialectal Comparisons

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyunjung Lee ◽  
Allard Jongman
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Frequency ◽  
Voice Onset Time ◽  
Onset Time ◽  
Sound Change ◽  
Acoustic Cues ◽  
Dialectal Variation ◽  
Cue Weighting ◽  
Age Variation ◽  
Korean Stops

Both segmental and suprasegmental properties of the South Kyungsang dialect of Korean have changed under the influence of standard Seoul Korean. This study examines how such sound change affects acoustic cues to the three-way laryngeal contrast among Korean stops across Kyungsang generations through a comparison with Seoul Korean. Thirty-nine female Korean speakers differing in dialect (Kyungsang, Seoul) and age (older, younger) produced words varying in initial stops and lexical accent patterns, for which voice onset time and fundamental frequency (F0) at vowel onset were measured. This study first confirms previous findings regarding age and dialectal variation in distinguishing the three Korean stops. In addition, we report age variation in the use of voice onset time and F0 for the stops in Kyungsang Korean, with younger speakers using F0 more than older speakers as a cue to the stop distinction. This age variation is accounted for by the reduced lexical tonal properties of Kyungsang Korean and the increased influence of Seoul Korean. A comparison of the specific cue weighting across speaker groups also reveals that younger Kyungsang speakers pattern with Seoul speakers who arguably follow the enhancing F0 role of the innovative younger Seoul speakers. The shared cue weighting pattern across generations and dialects suggests that each speaker group changes the acoustic cue weighting in a similar direction.

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoonjung Kang ◽  
Naomi Nagy
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Frequency ◽  
Sex Difference ◽  
Voice Onset Time ◽  
Onset Time ◽  
Sound Change ◽  
Heritage Speakers ◽  
Bilingual Speakers ◽  
Korean Speakers ◽  
Internal Variation

AbstractKorean has a typologically unusual three-way laryngeal contrast in voiceless stops among aspirated, lenis, and fortis stops. Seoul Korean is undergoing a female-led sound change in which aspirated stops and lenis stops are merging in voice onset time (VOT) and are better distinguished by the F0 (fundamental frequency) of the following vowel than by their VOT, in younger speakers' speech. This paper compares the VOT pattern of Homeland (Seoul) and Heritage (Toronto) Korean speakers and finds that the same change is in progress in both. However, in the heritage variety, younger speakers do not advance the change, unlike their Seoul counterparts. Rather they have leveled off or are perhaps reversing the change, and there is very little sex difference among the younger heritage speakers' patterns. We consider possible accounts of the differences between the Seoul and Toronto patterns, building our understanding of how language-internal variation operates in bilingual speakers, a topic that has received relatively less attention in the variationist literature.

scholarly journals Development of voice onset time in an ongoing phonetic differentiation in Austrian German plosives: Reversing a near-merger

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-101
Author(s):  
Eva Maria Luef
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Voice Onset Time ◽  
Onset Time ◽  
Sound Change ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Phonetic Distance ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Diachronic Development ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractSound change in the form of plosive mergers has been reported for a variety of languages and is the result of a reduction of phonetic distance between two (or more) sounds. The present study is concerned with the opposite development of phonetic differentiation in plosives (akin to a phonetic split), a less commonly reported phenomenon that is taking place in Austrian German at the moment. A previously small (or null) phonetic distinction between fortis and lenis plosives – a presumed near-merger – is gradually developing into a clear phonetic contrast in younger speakers. In the present study, voice onset time of word-initial plosives was measured in two generations of Austrian speakers (born in the middle and at the end of the 20th century), yielding an ongoing phonetic differentiation where the voice onset time of lenis consonants is shortened while, at the same time, that of fortis consonants is lengthened. These results present an insight into the recent diachronic development of Austrian German and the changes in plosive production that are currently taking place.

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