III. Social Mobility and Political Radicalism: The Case of the French Revolution of 1789

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-220
Author(s):  
Dale Townshend

This chapter confronts the question of the politics of Gothic architecture in the long eighteenth century. Exploring manifestations of its Whiggish appeal, the argument also points to a number of notable Tory appropriations of the revived Gothic style. If the political significance of the Gothic was thus open to dispute, notions of improvement and repair were almost uniformly inflected with intimations of political radicalism, particularly after the French Revolution of 1789. Exploring the political meanings of improvement, repair, and ruination in the work of John Carter, the discussion extends this into a reading of political discourse of the 1790s, tracing political writers’ extensive appropriations of architectural metaphor. The chapter concludes with a reading of 1790s political Gothic fiction, showing how radical writers of the decade engaged with the politics of Gothic architecture while questioning the extent to which chivalry, romance, and other aesthetic ‘remains’ of the Gothic past could serve the needs of the present.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Dal Cin

As shown in a movie by Ettore Scola, a precinematic device called ‘mondo niovo’ could entertain people by illustrating the ‘new world’ opened by the French Revolution. After 1797 in the territories of the former Republic of Venice Venetian patricians, Terraferma nobles, officials, landowners, merchants, intellectuals and whoever intended to be part of the ruling class had to deal with this ‘new world’. Following careers and lives of those men between 1797 and 1815 is the only way to consider this short but chaotic period as a whole, as Venice and Veneto alternated between Austrian and Napoleonic rule, changing government four times. Therefore, this research adopts a prosopographical approach in order to analyse formal and informal powers of Venetian elites (public roles, kinships and networks). The aim is to examine factors of social mobility in terms of continuity and change, thus describing a regional ruling class at the beginning of the Nineteenth century.


Napoleon ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 26-45
Author(s):  
David A. Bell

‘The general, 1796–1799’ describes how it was the French Revolution that made Napoleon’s stupefying ascent possible. The Revolution badly damaged the traditional hierarchies of French society, opening the door to radically new forms of social mobility and political power. It also unleashed newly intense forms of war, and provided French rulers with new ways to harness their country’s formidable natural resources against its enemies. Napoleon displayed both military and political genius. His successful battles in Italy and Austria are outlined, followed by his campaign in Egypt, which triggered a new period of large-scale European war. Finally, his return to France to sieze power from the French parliament is described.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
VAL HONEYMAN

This article argues that the political radicalism which developed in Perth, in the 1790s, had its roots predominantly in earlier opposition to local social and political conditions. It highlights the continuity of support for reform across three decades, and it explores why a political opposition emerged in Perth and how it manifested itself. Perth radicals drew on what they had learnt by their involvement in the campaigns against Catholic relief and in support of burgh reform, demonstrating significant involvement in both issues. It also argues that the pre-1790 reform movement encompassed a broad class base emphasising the fact that reform agitation did not suddenly erupt with the French Revolution. It considers the connections between developments in Scotland and England, highlighting important differences which affected the reform movement after 1795, it provides evidence supporting the contention that the authorities’ concerns about stability were justified, and adds to the growing body of work which challenges the view that Scottish society in the 1790s was overwhelmingly stable.


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