The Relevance of the principle of Relevance for Word Order Variation in Complex Referring Expressions in Mandarin Chinese

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liang Chen ◽  
Tao Ming ◽  
Xiangyu Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Discourse Function ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
Corpus Data

AbstractWord order variation in Mandarin Chinese results in two constructions consisting of a noun phrase (NP), a cluster of a demonstrative and a classifier (DM), and a relative clause (RC): the OMN with the RC+DM+NP order and the IMN with DM+RC+NP order. This study used corpus data to show correlational patterns of constructional choices. Specifically, OMN is associated with new and inanimate NPs serving the grammatical role of object in the relative clause that serves the discourse function of identification. By contrast, for IMN, the head NP tends to carry given information, tends to be an animate entity, tends to serve the grammatical role of subject in the relative clause, and tends to have an RC that serves the discourse function of characterization. We suggest that the usage patterns can be interpreted in terms of the cognitive and communicative principles of relevance (Sperber and Wilson 1995).

Syntactic complexity, discourse status and animacy as determinants of grammatical variation in Modern English

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELENA SEOANE
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Semantic Role ◽  
Syntactic Complexity ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Grammatical Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Corpus Data

The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the syntactic, pragmatic and semantic determinants of word-order variation in Modern English, exemplified by the specific case of the use of long passives as order-rearranging devices. Word order in English and in most other SVO languages is affected by a number of factors such as animacy, semantic role, discourse status and syntactic complexity (Sornicola 2006). In this article, which analyses the influence of such factors in the use of long passives, I will try to show that their effects are construction-specific; in particular, that factors which are crucial in determining word order in some constructions – factors such as the animacy of the constituents involved – are entirely overruled by others in the case of Modern English long passives. Corpus data presented here will also serve to address issues pertaining to the nature of the determinants of grammatical variation, such as their independent versus epiphenomenal character, their interactions, and the locus of their effects on word order.

scholarly journals Word order change at the left periphery of the Hungarian noun phrase

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Egedi
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Definite Article ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Possessive Constructions ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Order Change ◽  
Word Order Change

This chapter studies the determination and the distribution of possessive constructions from Old to Modern Hungarian. The grammaticalization of the definite article in well-defined contexts had structural consequences, the most salient of which is the emergence of a new strategy for demonstrative modification, which is called determiner doubling throughout the paper. Word order variation arises due to the determiners’ interference with the possessor expressions at the left periphery of the noun phrase. The newly added demonstratives first adjoined to the noun phrase in a somewhat looser fashion: their combination with the dative-marked possessors resulted in a word order specific only to the Middle Hungarian period (Demonstrative-Possessor). At a later stage, demonstratives got incorporated into the specifier of the DP, giving rise to the fixed word order Possessor-Demonstrative, with the Possessor undergoing noun phrase internal topicalization, thus landing in a phrase-initial specifier position.

The parallelism between NPs and clauses in terms of pragmatic effects on word order

2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. v-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bingfu LU ◽  
Bingfu LU
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation

This article argues that the two word order typologies at the clause level (V, S, O) and at the noun phrase level ([D]emonstrative, [A]djective, [N]oun) are both crucially motivated by the same two principles, that is, the principle of Semantic Head-Proximity (SHP) and the pragmatic Identifiability Precedence Principle (IPP). The interaction of the SHP and the IPP can explain several major left-right asymmetries of word order variation, such as the observation that the order of pre-nominal modifiers is usually fixed while that of post-nominal ones is fairly variable. In particular, to comprehensively account for the order of modifiers, an extended IPP is posited, which states that the higher the degree of identifiability (definiteness, etc.) a modifier contributes to its matrix NP, the stronger is its tendency to appear earlier.

Discourse Configurationality and the Noun Phrase in Eastern Armenian

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-166
Author(s):  
Katherine Hodgson
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Native Speaker ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Original Proposal ◽  
Use Of Data ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Surface Patterns

Abstract The subject of this paper is discourse-related word order variation associated with nominals in Eastern Armenian. Hale (1983) proposes that there are some languages which are non-configurational, i.e. lacking hierarchical syntactic structure. The properties that he proposed to be characteristic of non-configurational languages are a) free word order b) extensive use of null anaphora and c) discontinuous constituents. Armenian possesses all of these characteristics. However, since Hale’s original proposal, it has been pointed out that many apparently non-configurational languages do in fact have hierarchical syntactic structure, but that the surface patterns are determined primarily by discourse properties rather than by grammatical relations. These languages have been termed ‘discourse configurational’, defined by É. Kiss (1995) as follows: a language is discourse configurational if (discourse-) semantic functions topic (what sentence is ‘about’) and/or focus (identification) are associated with particular structural positions. It has been argued that this is indeed the case for the clause in Eastern Armenian (see e.g. Comrie (1984), Megerdoomian (2011) and Tamrazian (1994)). Making use of data from approximately 10,000 words of transcribed spontaneous speech by native speakers of Eastern Armenian discussion with native speaker consultants, and the Eastern Armenian National Corpus (www.eanc.net), I argue that the noun phrase exhibits similar discourse configurational properties to those found in the clause, and that these are responsible for word order variation within it. The interaction between noun-phrase-internal discourse-related movement and analogous discourse-related movement operations within the clause is responsible for the appearance of apparently discontinuous noun phrases. Thus the existence of Hale’s ‘non-configurational’ properties in EA does not justify the proposal that this language lacks hierarchical syntactic structure.

Word Order and Scope: Transparent Interfaces and the ¾ Signature

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan David Bobaljik ◽  
Susi Wurmbrand
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Soft Constraints ◽  
Economy Model ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Independent Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Partial Correlations

A recurring pattern of partial correlations between word order variation and scope possibilities (the ¾ signature) supports a particular view of economy constraints in syntax, with these properties: (1) There are economy conditions (soft constraints) that value a particular type of correspondence between LF and PF representations. (2) These constraints are unidirectional: LF (broadly construed) is calculated first and determines PF (surface word order). (3) Scope rigidity is a property not of languages but of specific configurations, and the distribution of rigidity effects is (largely) predictable from independent variation in the syntactic resources of various languages. We focus here on the interaction of these three assumptions and on the role of (2) in predicting the ¾ signature effect. We contrast our proposal with Reinhart’s (2005) Interface Economy model, in which economy conditions regulate a mapping that takes overt structure as its input and yields permissible interpretations.

A corpus-based analysis of word order variation in Yami relative clause construction

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Hui-Huan Chang ◽  
D. Victoria Rau
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Grammatical Roles ◽  
The Given

Abstract Yami relative clauses (RCs) can either precede the head noun, for example, kanakan ‘child,’ as in ko ni-ma-cita o [ji yákneng] a kanakan ‘I saw the child who cannot hold still’, functioning as restrictive RCs ([RC] + a + Head NP), or follow it as in ko ni-ma-cita o kanakan a [ji yákneng] ‘I saw that child, who cannot hold still’, functioning as nonrestrictive RCs for complementation strategy (Head NP + a + [RC]). The VARBRUL results demonstrate that head final RCs are predominant in Yami, and Yami speakers use them to connect the given referent with the previous discourse to convey given information. The study found that Subject head nouns outnumber other grammatical roles of head NPs, and that Subject head noun with Subject RC construction is produced more than any other RC constructions, which indicates that Yami RCs are used to modify the Subject for topic continuity.

The relative cycle in Hungarian declaratives

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Bacskai-Atkari
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Position ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Fixed Order ◽  
Embedded Clauses ◽  
Head Positions

This chapter examines word order variation and change in the high CP-domain of Hungarian embedded clauses containing the finite subordinating C head hogy ‘that’. It is argued that the complementizer hogy developed from an operator of the same morphophonological form, meaning ‘how’, and that its grammaticalization path develops in two steps. In addition to the change from an operator, located in a specifier, into a C head (specifier-to-head reanalysis), the fully grammaticalized complementizer hogy also changed its relative position on the CP-periphery, ultimately occupying the higher of two C head positions (upward reanalysis). Other complementizers that could co-occur with hogy in Old Hungarian eventually underwent similar reanalysis processes. Hence the possibility of accommodating two separate C heads in the left periphery was lost and variation in the relative position of complementizers was replaced by a fixed order.

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