A corpus-based analysis of word order variation in Yami relative clause construction

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Hui-Huan Chang ◽  
D. Victoria Rau
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Grammatical Roles ◽  
The Given

Abstract Yami relative clauses (RCs) can either precede the head noun, for example, kanakan ‘child,’ as in ko ni-ma-cita o [ji yákneng] a kanakan ‘I saw the child who cannot hold still’, functioning as restrictive RCs ([RC] + a + Head NP), or follow it as in ko ni-ma-cita o kanakan a [ji yákneng] ‘I saw that child, who cannot hold still’, functioning as nonrestrictive RCs for complementation strategy (Head NP + a + [RC]). The VARBRUL results demonstrate that head final RCs are predominant in Yami, and Yami speakers use them to connect the given referent with the previous discourse to convey given information. The study found that Subject head nouns outnumber other grammatical roles of head NPs, and that Subject head noun with Subject RC construction is produced more than any other RC constructions, which indicates that Yami RCs are used to modify the Subject for topic continuity.

scholarly journals Cyclicity and Connectivity in Nez Perce Relative Clauses

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Rose Deal
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Intermediate Position ◽  
Nez Perce ◽  
The Core ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Relative Pronouns

This article studies two aspects of movement in relative clauses, focusing on evidence from Nez Perce. First, I argue that relativization involves cyclic Ā-movement, even in monoclausal relatives: the relative operator moves to Spec,CP via an intermediate position in an Ā outer specifier of TP. The core arguments draw on word order, complementizer choice, and a pattern of case attraction for relative pronouns. Ā cyclicity of this type suggests that the TP sister of relative C constitutes a phase—a result whose implications extend to an ill-understood corner of the English that-trace effect. Second, I argue that Nez Perce relativization provides new evidence for an ambiguity thesis for relative clauses, according to which some but not all relatives are derived by head raising. The argument comes from connectivity and anticonnectivity in morphological case. A crucial role is played by a pattern of inverse case attraction, wherein the head noun surfaces in a case determined internal to the relative clause. These new data complement the range of existing arguments concerning head raising, which draw primarily on connectivity effects at the syntax-semantics interface.

Intervention in relative clauses: Effects of relativized minimality on L2 representation and processing

2020 ◽  
pp. 026765832095874
Author(s):  
Vera Yunxiao Xia ◽  
Lydia White ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
First Language ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Intervention Effect ◽  
Intervention Effects ◽  
Relativized Minimality ◽  
The Subject ◽  
L1 Acquisition ◽  
Picture Identification

This article reports on an experiment investigating the effects of featural Relativized Minimality (Friedmann et al., 2009) on the representation and processing of relative clauses in the second language (L2) English of Mandarin speakers. Object relatives (ORCs) are known to cause greater problems in first language (L1) acquisition and in adult processing than subject relatives (SRCs). Featural Relativized Minimality explains this in terms of intervention effects, caused by a DP (the subject of the ORC) located between the relative head and its source. Intervention effects are claimed to be reduced if the relative head and the intervenor differ in features, such as number (e.g. I know the king who the boys pushed). We hypothesize that L2 learners will show intervention effects when processing ORCs and that such effects will be reduced if the intervenor differs in number from the relative head. There were two tasks: picture identification and self-paced reading. Both manipulated relative clause type (SRC/ORC) and intervenor type (±plural). Accuracy was high in interpreting relative clauses, suggesting no representational problem. Regarding reading times, ORCs were processed slower than SRCs, supporting an intervention effect. However, faster reading times were found in ORCs when intervenor and head noun matched in number, contrary to hypothesis. We suggest that our more stringent stimuli may have resulted in the lack of an effect for mismatched ORCs, in contrast to some earlier findings for L1 acquirers.

scholarly journals Ledstilling i ledsætninger i dansk som arvesprog i Argentina. Et foreløbigt studium

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (23) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Sofie Hartling
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Heritage Language ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Incomplete Acquisition

This paper presents a case study of word order variation in subordinate clauses (henceforth ‘subclauses’) in Heritage Danish in Argentina. In European Danish, the placement of the sentence adverbial traditionally distinguishes so-called main clause word order (conj>S>Vfin>Adv) and subclause word order (conj>S>Adv>Vfin). The paper shows that this normative distinction still holds in more than half of the subclauses in Heritage Danish in Argentina, and, except for the relative clauses, to an even higher degree than in colloquial European Danish. Hence, the word order distribution in Heritage Danish also differs from Heritage Norwegian and Swedish where word order in subclauses has become optional due to incomplete acquisition of the heritage language.

Discontinuous noun phrases and remnant-internal relativization in the diachrony of Portuguese

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Cardoso
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
Contrastive Focus ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Internal Position

This chapter investigates syntactic change regarding the availability of split noun phrases in relative clauses in the diachrony of Portuguese. In earlier stages of the language an element that is thematically dependent on the head noun (either as a complement or as a modifier) may not appear adjacent to it but in a relative clause internal position. In Contemporary European Portuguese, noun phrase discontinuity also arises in relative clauses, but only with the modifier/complement in the rightmost position. The word order with the modifier/complement at the left periphery of the relative clause is not allowed. The change is explained as being due to the loss of a left-peripheral position for contrastive focus within relative clauses (and possibly other types of subordinate clauses). Hence, the contraction of clause structure and the concomitant loss of movement are taken to constrain the possibilities of phrasal discontinuity found in earlier periods.

Duplicity in possessive merger: evidence from Spanish alienable possessive constructions

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-412
Author(s):  
Sangyoon Kim
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The Core ◽  
Internal Category ◽  
Direct Modification ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Possessive Constructions ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Principled Explanation

Abstract In this paper, I argue that Spanish prenominal and postnominal possessives target different external merge positions focusing on alienable possessive constructions. The analysis is developed alongside a proposal on the organization of DPs, according to which articles are merged as a DP-internal category between the domains assigned to direct and indirect modifiers. Prenominal possessives are determiners reanalyzed from direct modification adjectives whereas postnominal possessives are indirect modification adjectives that arise as predicates of reduced relative clauses. This analysis provides a principled explanation on the behavior of Spanish possessives that is lacking in the generalized idea that they are pronouns with a unique merge position. Arguments are also presented showing that syntax-driven phonological restrictions condition the derivation of DPs. The account successfully derives the core properties of word order variation and related issues within possessive constructions.

The Relevance of the principle of Relevance for Word Order Variation in Complex Referring Expressions in Mandarin Chinese

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liang Chen ◽  
Tao Ming ◽  
Xiangyu Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Discourse Function ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
Corpus Data

AbstractWord order variation in Mandarin Chinese results in two constructions consisting of a noun phrase (NP), a cluster of a demonstrative and a classifier (DM), and a relative clause (RC): the OMN with the RC+DM+NP order and the IMN with DM+RC+NP order. This study used corpus data to show correlational patterns of constructional choices. Specifically, OMN is associated with new and inanimate NPs serving the grammatical role of object in the relative clause that serves the discourse function of identification. By contrast, for IMN, the head NP tends to carry given information, tends to be an animate entity, tends to serve the grammatical role of subject in the relative clause, and tends to have an RC that serves the discourse function of characterization. We suggest that the usage patterns can be interpreted in terms of the cognitive and communicative principles of relevance (Sperber and Wilson 1995).

The mechanism of inverted relativization in Japanese: A silent linker and inversion

2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
KEN HIRAIWA
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Word ◽  
Left Edge ◽  
And Inversion ◽  
Order Pattern

Japanese has two peculiar types of relative clause (RC), No-RCs and De-RCs. In these types of relative clause, what looks like a (pivot) head noun appears at the left edge of the clause and is accompanied by no and de, respectively. This sharply contrasts with regular prenominal relative clauses in Japanese, which conform to the head-final word order pattern. The aim of this article is to investigate the syntax and semantics of these two types of relative clause in detail and reveal differences between them. Specifically, I will propose that (i) no in No-RCs is an appositive genitive particle licensed by a silent linker head, and (ii) de in De-RCs is a continuative/participial form of the copula da. Drawing a parallel with NP-no NP constructions and building on an idea from S.-Y. Kuroda's dissertation, it will be argued that No-RCs are derived by DP-internal inversion mediated by the linker. On the other hand, De-RCs will be shown to be relatives conjoined with the copula de. It will be further suggested that the fact that Korean and Mandarin Chinese lack equivalents of De-RCs is due to the absence of the appositive genitive particle and hence of DP-internal inversion.

Word order variation in Isthmus Mixe

2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Dieterman
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
Basic Word ◽  
Order Variation ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject

In the face of evidence of considerable word order variation in Mixe languages, this article posits a basic word order of SOV for Isthmus Mixe, analyzing the language as having an inverse voice category that partially explains the observed surface word order variation. Using functional criteria established for voice distinctions by Givón (1994), it is shown that the Object is higher in topicality than the Subject in inverse-transitive clauses, as attested by ellipsis of the Subject and by topicality measures of Referential Distance and Topic Persistence. When inverse-clause word orders are separated out from direct-clause word orders, and when discourse considerations are taken into account, the basic SOV order of the Isthmus Mixe direct clause becomes apparent.

Canonical word order and interference-based integration costs during sentence comprehension: The case of Spanish subject- and object-relative clauses

2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (11) ◽  
pp. 2108-2128 ◽  
Author(s):  
David del Río ◽  
Ramón López-Higes ◽  
MaríaTeresa Martín-Aragoneses
Keyword(s):  
Working Memory ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Noncanonical Form ◽  
Object Relative

Object-relative clauses are generally harder to process than subject-relative clauses. Increased processing costs for object-relatives have been attributed either to working memory demands for the establishment of long-distance dependencies or to difficulties processing unexpected, noncanonical structures. The current study uses self-paced reading to contrast the impact of both kinds of factors in Spanish object-relative clauses, manipulating the interposition of the subject of the relative clause between object and verb. In addition, object-relatives were unambiguously marked at their onset with the Spanish preposition “ a”. Reading times increased at the onset and final regions of object-relative clauses, regardless of interference-based working memory costs, although interference costs may affect the processing of post-relative-clause regions. These results suggest that, beyond interference-related working memory costs, end-of-clause integration processes may be affected by a preference for canonical structures, thus increasing processing difficulties when confronted with a noncanonical form.

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