Introduction

Author(s):  
David G. García

This introductory chapter establishes the setting of the study at Oxnard, California, whose educational past lends itself to original analysis of schooling discrimination and contributes to national discussions of racism, segregation, civil rights, community resistance, and educational policy. It reveals four strategies of segregation that complicate previous narratives: establishing a racial hierarchy, building a permanent link between residential and school segregation, utilizing a school-within-a-school model of racial separation, and omitting a rationale for segregation. Furthermore, the chapter links Oxnard's narrative with that of prevailing scholarly literature on labor and housing and draws parallels between Mexican American and African American struggles in both the housing and educational sectors.

Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt

This introductory chapter discusses how there was a racial classification scheme in America's first census (1790), as there was in the next twenty-two censuses, up until the present. Though the classification was altered in response to the political and intellectual fashions of the day, the underlying definition of America's racial hierarchy never escaped its origins in the eighteenth-century. Even the enormous changing of the racial landscape in the civil rights era failed to challenge a dysfunctional classification, though it did bend it to new purposes. Nor has the demographic upheaval of the present time led to much fresh thinking about how to measure America. The chapter contends that twenty-first-century statistics should not be governed by race thinking that is two and a half centuries out of date.


2018 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-419
Author(s):  
Sara Doolittle

Between 1889 and 1890, John Wilson and his family were among nearly three thousand African American settlers to enter Oklahoma Territory, where Wilson's two daughters first attended an integrated school. The Wilson family was undoubtedly drawn by the educational and economic opportunities that were present in the fluid space—opportunities that did not always exist elsewhere in the country. Yet the territorial legislature sought to narrow those opportunities, which it did by segregating the schools. Wilson and his family did not accept this limitation and fought back through both the courts and active resistance. This article examines that first legal challenge to the segregated school system: Territory ex rel. Wilson v. Marion et al. This case informs not only our understanding of the durability of racism in an actively contested western space but also the forms of African American resistance to the reactivation of racial hierarchy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 210-241
Author(s):  
George J. Sanchez

Los Angeles was built by immigrants from the U.S. South, Asia, and especially Mexico. After 1900 the city grew as a rail terminus, Pacific port, and tourist destination. It became a focus of film making and petroleum production, and developed booming defense industries during World War II and the Cold War. Marketed as the city of dreams, continuing immigration made it increasingly Mexican while Mexicans faced residential segregation that constrained educational chances, economic opportunities, and political participation. Fragmented urban administration allowed Realty Boards and County officials to limit Mexican-American (and African-American) citizenship despite national civil rights policies promoting integration and participation. When defense, energy, and other industries declined in the turn to globalization, African American (1973-93) and Mexican American (2005-13) mayors offered images of opening while enduring segregation constrained education, employment, and life opportunities for Mexican-Americans and African Americans. New immigrants from Mexico, Central America and beyond faced lives of marginality.


Author(s):  
Irene E. Vásquez

While studies of relations between African American and Mexican American communities often highlight conflict or collaboration as organizing principles, this article seeks to identify where organizing efforts and advocacy intersected between these constituencies but also where influences and ideologies conjoined their social critiques. While this article focuses on how African American activists and advocacies informed Mexican American struggles, the point is to demonstrate that these groups did not operate in isolation or in organizational vacuums. This article provides an analysis of the interstitial moments of interethnic solidarities between African American and Chicana/o student and community activists in their efforts to establish cultural centers and ethnic studies programs at UCLA in 1968. Highlighting the intersectional struggles by Chicana/o and African American students, this exploratory work examines primary and secondary sources including newspaper articles, group statements and proposals, and institutional reports. Collaborative moments in the history of Chicana/o and African American student activism occurred that reflected previous Black and Brown solidarity relations as well as newly developing interactions among students. Contextually, my research situates activism on behalf of Chicana/o studies within the Civil Rights period. First, I examine the Civil Rights contexts within which Chicana/o and African American collaborative relations developed and the influences they brought to bear on activists and their agendas. Second, I note some networks and associations that occurred between African American and Chicana/o activists seeking self-determination and empowerment. Third, I feature some joint activities at UCLA that resulted in concrete institutional outcomes. In conclusion, I argue that the 1968 struggles to reform higher education became a pivotal site for Black and Brown solidarity. 


Author(s):  
Max Krochmal

This chapter describes the growing militancy of PASO and African American activists from 1962 on. In response to conservative democratic gubernatorial candidate John Connally, African American and Mexican American activists would both take to the streets, reenergizing their respective civil rights movements with new campaigns for complete integration, real political power, and equal economic opportunity.


Author(s):  
Max Krochmal

This chapter shows how, in the late 1950s, a trio of local labor struggles would bring the African American, Mexican American, and white labor and civil rights activists together in new, surprising ways. Two union campaigns would force the San Antonio labor movement to reconnect to the masses of mexicano (and to a lesser extent black) workers in the city. In so doing, the unions would also be compelled to confront and better understand the growing black and brown civil rights movements.


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