Elections and Political Instability: Ballots to Bullets, Voting to Violence?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin E. Goldsmith ◽  
Charles Robert Butcher ◽  
Dimitri Semenovich ◽  
Arcot Sowmya
Romanticism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Katie Holdway

In his famously disparaging poetic retorts to the poetry of the British Della Cruscan movement, the Baviad and Mæviad, Tory satirist William Gifford made every effort to separate the readers of Della Cruscan poetry into two distinct audiences: Della Cruscan ‘writer-readers’ who read and actively responded to pieces written by other members of the coterie with poetry of their own, and the non-participating mass audience. According to Gifford, this latter audience – metonymized as ‘the Town’ in the Baviad – ignorantly follows the whims of fashion, absorbing Della Cruscan poetry, but never actually responding to it. Through an analysis of both Della Cruscan poetry and Gifford's retorts, this essay aims to re-establish the links between these two kinds of audiences. I will argue that Gifford's attempts to suppress these links stemmed from a deep-seated fear – fuelled by post-Revolutionary political instability – that the Della Cruscan coterie offered a platform whereby members of the mass reading audience could join their poetic conversations pseudonymously, and ultimately be granted a voice, regardless of their gender or political affiliations.


Author(s):  
Yathrib Khattab Mandell

The confect in the Yemeni in state and its internal repercussions and the tragedies suffered by the Yemeni people and the divisions and problems that have occurred and political in stability and its impact on the stability of the middle East was the talk of all thinkers and researchers as the internal conflict turned into a regional conflict intersecting and different objectives and interests between the conflicting forces on the middle East As a result the Yemeni arena has become a constant and politically unstable arena.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali A. Bolbol

It would not have been wrong to argue twenty years ago that a united Arab economy would most likely be represented by the economies of Algeria and Iraq. Such an economy would have been characterized as having a promising industrial base, a viable agriculture, and a wealth of oil and mineral resources. From today';s viewpoint, of course, choosing these two countries could not have been more unfortunate. Algeria is in a state of siege that is keeping its economy hostage to political-military considerations, and Iraq's economy, after two wars and an embargo, is in a state of meltdown, to say the least. As a result, today's unqualified image of the Arab economy in general is that of wasted oil wealth, poverty, and political instability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097491012110311
Author(s):  
Salma Zaiane ◽  
Fatma Ben Moussa

The purpose of the study is to identify bank specific, macroeconomic, and stability determinants of both conventional and Islamic bank performance. We also try to identify evidence on the impact of financial crisis and political instability during the Arab Spring (AS) period. The study covers a sample of 123 banks (34 Islamic banks and 89 conventional banks from 13 Middle East and North Africa [MENA] countries) over the period 2000–2013. We use different proxies of performance as dependent variables: return on asset (ROA), return on equity (ROE), net income margin (NIM), and estimate several regressions using the dynamic generalized method of moments. Our results reveal that bank size, asset quality, specialization, and diversification are the major bank specific factors affecting performance of Islamic and conventional banks. Besides, macroeconomic indicators (GDP and inflation) and regulatory quality influence both types of banks differently. Finally, both the financial crisis and political instability negatively affect bank performance.


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