Shake It Up: The Case For Reforming The United Nations (or a Real Global Governance Model for the Ideal of World Peace)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristián Gimenez-Corte
2021 ◽  
pp. 419-434
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Haynes

This chapter is concerned with religion at the United Nations (UN), and in particular how it relates to the activities of the UN at its Geneva office. In recent years, the UN has experienced growing concern about religion, including a higher profile in the General Assembly, the Security Council, and several of the UN’s specialized agencies, among them the Human Rights Office, the Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, the Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations. For many, this was unexpected given that it followed decades of religion’s apparent marginalization at the UN. The increased presence of religious actors at the UN reflects a wider phenomenon: the deepening problems of global governance and increased calls for the UN to be ‘democratized’ by drawing on an array of, mainly non-state voices, both secular and religious, to supplement those of states.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Griffiths ◽  
Sara Jarman ◽  
Eric Jensen

The year 2020 marks the twentieth anniversary of the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution (“UNSCR”) 1325, the most important moment in the United Nations’ efforts to achieve world peace through gender equality. Over the past several decades, the international community has strengthened its focus on gender, including the relationship between gender and international peace and security. National governments and the United Nations have taken historic steps to elevate the role of women in governance and peacebuilding. The passage of UNSCR 1325 in 2000 foreshadowed what many hoped would be a transformational shift in international law and politics. However, the promise of gender equality has gone largely unrealized, despite the uncontroverted connection between treatment of women and the peacefulness of a nation. This Article argues for the first time that to achieve international peace and security through gender equality, the United Nations Security Council should transition its approach from making recommendations and suggestions to issuing mandatory requirements under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. If the Security Council and the international community believe gender equality is the best indicator of sustainable peace, then the Security Council could make a finding under Article 39 with respect to ‘a threat to the peace’—States who continue to mistreat women and girls pose a threat to international peace and security. Such a finding would trigger the Security Council’s mandatory authority to direct States to take specific actions. In exercising its mandatory authority, the Security Council should organize, support, and train grassroots organizations and require States to do the same. It should further require States to produce a reviewable National Action Plan, detailing how each State will implement its responsibilities to achieve gender equality. The Security Council should also provide culturally sensitive oversight on domestic laws which may act as a restraint on true gender equality.


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (11) ◽  
pp. 15-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Berman

With the rapidly increasing interdependence of all people who inhabit the planet Earth, it has become widely accepted that the ways in which a country acts toward its own citizens may also have important consequences for citizens of other countries. More particularly, a state that systematically represses the fundamental rights of its own subjects is apt to be viewed as a potential threat to the peace and security of other states as well. This view is supported by the United Nations Charter, which expressly links the cause of human rights with the cause of world peace.


Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (7) ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Homer A. Jack

In April, 1952, I traveled to Lambarene, then in French Equatorial Africa, to try to enlist the leadership of Albert Schweitzer for the cause of world peace. I was disappointed to find him basically unconcerned about world politics, skeptical of the United Nations, indifferent to disarmament, and unwilling even to lend his name to peace efforts. A decade later, in June, 1962, I saw Schweitzer for the last time. He was then a world leader in nuclear disarmament, and my task this time, also unsuccessful, was to discourage his indiscriminate endorsements of some peace efforts which I believed misguided.


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