POLITICAL MANAGEMENT OF MODERN RUSSIA: TRANSFORMATION CONCEPTS

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 160-163
Author(s):  
Бережная Наталья Викторовна ◽  
◽  
Лобова Лариса Александровна ◽  
Полякова Ольга Андреевна ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Asian Survey ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-180
Author(s):  
Lok Raj Baral
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Abrams ◽  
Fanny Lalot ◽  
Michael A. Hogg

COVID-19 is a challenge faced by individuals (personal vulnerability and behavior), requiring coordinated policy from national government. However, another critical layer—intergroup relations—frames many decisions about how resources and support should be allocated. Based on theories of self and social identity uncertainty, subjective group dynamics, leadership, and social cohesion, we argue that this intergroup layer has important implications for people’s perceptions of their own and others’ situation, political management of the pandemic, how people are influenced, and how they resolve identity uncertainty. In the face of the pandemic, initial national or global unity is prone to intergroup fractures and competition through which leaders can exploit uncertainties to gain short-term credibility, power, or influence for their own groups, feeding polarization and extremism. Thus, the social and psychological challenge is how to sustain the superordinate objective of surviving and recovering from the pandemic through mutual cross-group effort.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 692-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Stoer ◽  
António M. Magalhães

This article argues that a reconfiguration of the modern social contract is taking place as a process that involves the reconceptualisation of citizenship as difference. At the base of this process is one the authors have previously described as ‘the rebellions of differences' (Stoer & Magalhães, 2001). The rebellions are against the cultural, political and epistemological yoke of Western modernity. What characterises differences and their social relations today is precisely their heterogeneity and their inescapable resistance to any attempts at epistemological or cultural domestication. The implications of this rebellion of differences for the concept and practices of citizenship are profound. The main implication explored here is the reconfiguration of what we call ‘attributed citizenship’ into ‘demanded’ or ‘claimed citizenship’. The authors conclude by relating the latter to the political management of education systems.


1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. J. Nossiter

IN THE WESTERN MEDIA RECENT EVENTS IN INDIA HAVE OFTEN been trivialized by comparison with a soap opera called Dynasty. A more appropriate analogy would be the Greek tragedy: the rejection of Mrs Gandhi at the polls in 1977; her sweeping return to power in 1980; the death of her heir apparent, Sanjay, in 1980; the invasion of the Golden Temple in June 1984; and on 31 October her assassination. Greatness, tragedy, hubris and nemesis are all there.A fair assessment of Mrs Indira Gandhi's contribution to her country is far from easy, not least because she was regally enigmatic. Her friendships ranged from Michael Foot to Margaret Thatcher. Her presence was formidable yet both to old and non-political family friends she was a loving sister or aunt. Alone among Indian politicians she drew massive crowds and, Sikhs apart, her death was mourned by her opponents as much as her supporters. Indira had not expected to enter politics but by acting as her widowed father Pandit Nehru's hostess and confidante, and, in the late 1950s, as Congress General Secreta , she gained an invaluable apprenticeship in the techniques of political management and the art of statecraft. When Nehru's immediate successor as Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, died after less than two years in office, Congress chiefs found it easier to nominate Nehru's daughter as their leader than to agree on one of their own number, particularly since they all underestimated her strength of character and purpose.


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