The impact of payroll taxation on employment in a third world setting: personal services in Brazilian nonamazonian states 1940-1980

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

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2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 388-394
Author(s):  
Salima Hafeez ◽  
Rashid Mehmood Chaudhry . ◽  
Muhammad Aslam Khan . ◽  
H.Mushtaq Ahmad . ◽  
Kashif Ur Rehman .

The characteristics of entrepreneurial orientation is played important role in business. How do an entrepreneurial firms and individuals have taken the advantage in industry? This study explores the dynamic capabilities of the organization according to international performance. Our findings indicates the positive impact on dynamic capabilities of the business with perfectly use of this research framework. The main aspect of this paper is to analyse the impact of entrepreneurial orientation with the quality of life. Distinctive features of entrepreneurs and their contribution to the economy can make it possible for third world countries to grow their economies faster and provide financial means to enhance social, health, and environmental well-being (basic dimensions of quality of life), along with products and services that the poor need in these countries. Entrepreneurial orientation combined with organization learning and Quality of life (QOL) are enhanced the dynamic capability of the organization. Present conceptual research will provide the source of competitive advantage and mainstream line for further development of the business .We suggest that existing literature reconfiguring the different approaches for the entrepreneurial to capture the opportunities in world business. First, quality of life cannot possibly improve in inactive or weakening economic conditions; second, economic development in the third world countries cannot advance in a balanced and desirable manner without a major domestic entrepreneurship movement (Samli 2004, 2008a).


2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK TOUFAYAN

AbstractTaslim Elias's scholarship on the impact of English common law on the growth of African customary law illustrates the intersectionality negotiated between ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’, universal and subaltern laws. His intellectual portrait is also useful as a heuristic device to excise the doctrines, strategies, imageries, and narratives of progress elaborated about ‘Africa’ and ‘law’. Elias decried the contempt and ignorance exhibited by colonial masters towards native customs and laws; he also vilified judicially crafted ‘repugnancy’ and ‘public policy’ doctrines as instruments of colonial policy to prevent British justice from looking both ways, by ensuring that British standards were the ‘objective’ criteria of abrogation and change. Yet he nonetheless saw these doctrines and English law as a unifying force in the emergence of a unified Nigerian legal system. This article argues that this paradox in Elias's work and his struggle against the asserted dualism between English law and African customary law must be situated in the context of the rise of an African legal consciousness or juridical Negritude, home to various political projects of nation-building, African cultural liberation, and development which strategically intersected in their unstable relationship to law and Western culture. This signals a turn to ‘hybridity’ in legal discourse and Elias's professional trajectory seeking to develop a uniform common law for Nigeria as a way to explicate the workings of this relationship, and how African law is inscribed in the interplay of cultural forces constantly (re)negotiating the boundaries of their engagement with one another. This, in turn, reveals a complex picture of mediating between the simultaneous participation of Third World intellectuals in various struggles and personal or ideological projects within African humanism, which an analysis structured around the stability of centres/peripheries conventionally distorts.


Gut ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. A280.1-A280
Author(s):  
HN Haboubi ◽  
N Al-Mossawi ◽  
M Boyle ◽  
A Evans ◽  
A Alhamdani ◽  
...  

1980 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ravenhill

The continuing prominence of coups d'état in the political life of the Third World has sustained interest in the question of whether, and in what circumstances, the armed forces are capable of making a positive contribution to modernisation. During the 1960s, a number of scholars began to take a favourable view of the military's modernising potential based on ideal-typical conceptions of armed-force organisations which, in Henry Bienen's felicitous phrase, were ‘unencumbered by empirical detail’.1 A second dimension of support for the positive image was perceived in the attitudes and class background of the officer corps.2 Critics of this viewpoint questioned the accuracy of these characterisations given the impact that transfer to a different socio-economic and political context has on institutional performance. Case-studies of Third-World militaries found that many lacked a single corporate identity, suffering from factionalism along cleavages of age, ethnicity, and regionalism; organisational cohesion was undermined by a proliferation of patron-client relationships.3 The motives for staging coups also were questioned, the military being perceived as particularly well-equipped to defend and pursue its corporate interests.1


1989 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe D. Hagan

This article presents a cross-national analysis of the relationship between domestic political regime changes and voting realignments of Third World nations in the United Nations (UN). It seeks to move beyond existing research that has assumed that foreign policy is rooted in political and economic structures and changes only when a political revolution occurs. It argues that a wider variety of regime changes—ranging from those involving mainstream political parties to milder ones such as factional shifts in single-party regimes—can also provoke major realignments. Using a new data set on Third World regimes, the article examines the impact of regime changes for eighty-seven nations on their UN voting patterns during the period from 1946 to 1984. Although the findings indicate that revolutions are most likely to provoke major voting realignments, they also show that the more frequent, nonrevolutionary types of regime change are associated with many voting realignments. A major implication of these findings is that foreign policy changes reflect a complex set of domestic regime factors, including leadership belief systems and internal political constraints, as well as aspects of political structure.


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