scholarly journals From Paris to Lausanne: Aspects of Greek-Yugoslav relations during the first interwar years (1919-1923)

Balcanica ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Athanasios Loupas

This paper looks at the course of Greek-Yugoslav relations from the Paris Peace Conference to the Treaty of Lausanne. Following the end of the First World War Greece and the newly-created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a common front on an anti-Bulgarian basis, putting aside unresolved bilateral issues. Belgrade remained neutral during the Greek-Turkish war despite the return of King Constantine. But after the Greek catastrophe in Asia Minor the relations between Athens and Belgrade were lopsided.

Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

Following Émile Cottin’s attempted assassination of Georges Clemenceau in February 1919, the victors in the First World War reassembled at the Paris Peace Conference and enacted protocols to prevent surplus stocks of weapons from being distributed “to persons and states who are not fitted to possess them.”...


Balcanica ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Iakovos Michailidis

This article tries to provide an evaluation of the Greek historiography on the First World War (WWI) and to illustrate its various research stages and trends. It is argued that the Greek historiography mainly approaches WWI and Greece?s involvement not as an international, but as a domestic phenomenon. Greek involvement in WWI has been looked at through the lens of the Asia Minor Catastrophe in 1922, an episode of the ten-year war of the Greek army starting with the triumphant Balkan Wars and ending with the defeat in the Asia Minor Campaign in 1922.


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-46
Author(s):  
Kathryn Ciancia

As the First World War ended, new borderland conflicts erupted in Volhynia. At the Paris Peace Conference, Polish statesmen tapped into broader global ideas of civilization in order to show that the Polish nation had the right to rule Volhynia’s “backward” populations, particularly its Ukrainian-speaking majority. At the same time, Polish nationalist activists in the Borderland Guard (Straż Kresowa) attempted to implement their vision of anti-imperial democracy on the ground. This chapter explores how the Borderland Guard’s activists reconfigured “civilization” in Volhynia’s war-torn, resource-starved, and fractured local communities, where conflict played out along national, social, and economic lines. The contention that there were civilizational hierarchies both between Poles and non-Poles and within the ranks of “Poles” coexisted with rhetoric about national inclusivity. Indeed, hierarchy and exclusion directly emerged from attempts to import a Polish version of democracy into the borderlands.


Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 241-248
Author(s):  
Traian Sandu

Relations between Serbia and Romania throughout the war are viewed from the standpoint of the two countries' rivaling claims on the Banat and within the framework of power balance in the Allied camp with an emphasis on the position of the Romanian government and statesmen. Obviously, Romania's position was more favourable during the first two war years as the Allies sought to win her over for the Entente. Thus the Banat was included in compensations for her entering the war on the side of the Allies. Romania's defeat, however, produced a complete shift in the balance of power, with Romania now in an unenviable position, especially following the breach of the Salonica Front in September 1918. From the Romanian perspective, the Banat's destiny also depended on divergent political positions on the domestic scene. The fate of the Banat was eventually decided by the advancing Serbian army which took the whole territory, though under French command. The final decision became a responsibility of the Paris Peace Conference.


1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Hess

Inaccordance with the secret Treaty of London of 26 April 1915, Italy entered the First World War in exchange for certain promises made to her by Great Britain and France. The treaty provided for concessions to Italy in Europe, the Mediterranean, Asia Minor, and Africa, but the concessions to which Great Britain and France agreed were not regarded by the Italians as the limit of their demands.


Author(s):  
Djordje Djuric

Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky was a German ambassador in London from 1912 to 1914. He was one of the most important direct participants of the July Crisis which led to the outbreak of the First World War. This document was written in 1916 and secretly delivered to the German military and political supreme authorities. It came into possession of Swedish socialists and they published it, first in English and then in all other European languages. This document explicitly attributes the responsibility for the outbreak of the war to the German political and social circles. It accuses them of instigating Austria- Hungary to attack Serbia. The Germans declined and undermined solemn interventions to evade the war. Also, this document briefly describes the German imperialistic politics in the decade before the War and indicates that these politics have inevitably led to the confrontation with Great Britain, Russia and France. Assassination in Sarajevo is indicated as a motive but little attention is paid to it (Gavrilo Princip is not even mentioned at all). During the Paris Peace Conference (in Versailles), this document was used as one of the important arguments to declare Germany guilty of starting the war. Western press wrote a great deal about it and it was given a lot of credit. Also, this memorandum was often disputed during the debate in German politics and historiography in the 1920s and the 1930s on the war accountability (Kriegsschuldsfrage), but it was often quoted by German opponents.


2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (203) ◽  
pp. 29-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Biljana Radivojevic ◽  
Goran Penev

Proportional to the total population, Serbia was the country with the highest number of casualties in the First World War. According to the first estimates presented at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, total Serbian casualties were 1,250,000, over 400,000 of which were military losses while the rest were civilian deaths. Besides direct losses, which include casualties in war events and deaths resulting from military operations, the Serbian population also suffered significant indirect losses originating from the reduced number of births during the war and postwar years, increased death rate after the war as a consequence of war events, and more intensive emigration. The paper analyses some of the most-quoted estimates of demographic losses (the Paris Peace Conference, Djuric, Notestein et al.), which differ in the methodology applied, the territory covered, and the obtained results. Moreover, the paper specifies the long-term demographic consequences of the First World War, primarily on the population size of Serbia and its age and gender structure. Generations that suffered the biggest losses and those whose sex structure was disrupted the most are indicated.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document