The Bolsheviks in Russian Society: The Revolution and the Civil Wars

1998 ◽  
Vol 103 (5) ◽  
pp. 1655
Author(s):  
Barbara Evans Clements ◽  
Vladimir N. Brovkin
1984 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-184
Author(s):  
Neera Chandhoke ◽  
Ayi Kwei Armah

African countries seem to be constantly groping for the distinctive political paradigm as evinced by the fact that forms of political order have followed each other in rapid succession—the multi-party state, the one party syndrome, the charismatic presidency, the military coup d'etat and in some cases, like that of Nigeria and for a short while in Ghana, a return to civilian rule. The future of the African continent is thus viewed with deep rooted pessimism by political analysts, economists and literary writers. They prophesy in symphony that African countries are catapaulting down the path of political unrest—economic disorder, suspension of human rights, a breakdown of law and order—towards instability and general anomie. In the words of the noted author Chinuah Achebe, in Africa “things fall apart.”1 Dennis Austen using the title of this book for his article, writes that since their inception African states have been in a state of flux moving with regularity in and out of misfortune: The treachery of political life has been very real: armed coups, civil wars, public executions, the threat of secession, the recurrence of famine, the fanaticism of religious beliefs, regional wars, the near genocide of entire communities, the transitory nature of military and party regimes and the indebtedness not only of corrupt dictatorships (as in Zaire) but also of governments that still struggle to preserve an element of political decency in their public life (as in Tanzania).2 The keynote of the criticisms made in this vein3 is the absence of stability and the consequent destabilization, disorganization and anarchy. However, all evidence in the African countries points to the centralization of power and authority which can lead to a kind of stability—i.e. if stability is the only end of government and politics. The post-colonial state in Africa has created strong centralized administrations to weld the various social groups in common structures. The striking feature of post-independence politics to Markovitz, is not the lack of stability, but “indeed from any long range historical perspective the rapidity with which stability has been achieved…. The military coup d'etats and civil wars, appearence of anarchy notwithstanding, have furthered this process of consolidation.”4 The modern African state is one which is increasingly dominated by a powerful public sector, an overpowering bureaucracy and increasing militarization.5 The highly centralized nature of the African state is almost a throwback to the early colonial state. The colonial state was based on patterns of domination, its very raison d'etre was domination. The colonial institutional form consequently was aimed at establishing hegemony over the subject population, together with its essential militarised character and the system of irresistable power and force associated with it. In the Belgian case, the state was known as “Bula Matari” (the crusher of rocks).6 The pre-independence state forms have persisted. The observations of De Tocqueville are brought to mind. To De Tocqueville the 1789 Revolution did not bring an end to the ideas and order of the old regime in France. Springing from the chaos created by the revolution was a powerful institutional framework. Never since the fall of the Roman Empire, he commented, had the world seen a government so highly centralized. This new power was created by the Revolution, or, rather grew up almost automatically out of the havoc wrought by it. True, the governments it set up were less stable than any of those it overthrew; yet paradoxically they were infinitely more powerful.7 In Africa the heritage of colonial politics, namely power-politics, has been taken up by the post-colonial state. The colonial tradition has led to a scheme of affairs in African states where a premium has been placed on the holding and consolidation of political power. Politics has been construed strictly as a “struggle for rulership.”8 Political power is seen as a means of controlling the socio-economic structures of society. What becomes important in this context is the identification of the group that wields power. What is the nature and social basis of this ruling elite? As a pre-requisite to this, is the question as to what is the nature of class in Africa, so that the nature of class domination can be comprehended,


nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ilia Vedeneev

This artricle is devoted to consideration several significant factiors of possible destabilization of modern Russian society. Key conclusion of the article is ideological weakness of Russian non-establishment oppostion in its real political struggle with the regime in the eve of ahead election.


Author(s):  
Vyacheslav K. Romanovski ◽  

The article focuses on the important document of Russian political journalism of the era of the revolution and civil confrontation in Russia. For the first time in Russian historiography, the author explores the environment of the appearance of the collection of the articles called «In the struggle for Russia», analyzes its problems, emphasizes author’s «reconciliatory» ideology, reveals its influence on the socio-political life of the Russian emigration and the Soviet Republic, and points out the author’s interpretations and assessments for the contemporary Russian society.


Author(s):  
Daniel Chirot

This chapter explores how civil wars and foreign intervention can strengthen revolutions. It shows that the repressions of even potential—or sometimes just imagined and falsely accused—counterrevolutionaries in France, Russia, and later Iran were very bloody. In France, the revolution led not only to civil war but also to foreign intervention and a long series of international wars. In Russia, outside involvement contributed to a prolonged, terrible civil war. In Iran, the very costly Iraqi invasion of 1980 and subsequent eight-year war also exacted a high price in lives. The paradox is that outside intervention and civil war actually strengthened the revolutionaries in all three of these cases and significantly contributed to their radicalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-144
Author(s):  
N.I. Anufrieva ◽  
◽  
T.A. Lomakina ◽  

in the second half of the twentieth century, when the avant-garde proposed truly revolutionary principles for organizing the sound environment, not only the treasures of ancient Russian church music were rediscovered, but also the interest in Russian spiritual culture as a whole, including musical folklore, significantly increased. Russian society at the end of the century was engulfed in disbelief, disappointment, fatigue. Hence there are images of the “decaying” world, the end of the world. The apocalyptic situation manifested itself not only in the fire of civil wars, but also in the feeling of disharmony of people with themselves and with others. As a result, domestic culture began to return to the fold of universal human values, eternal problems and traditional ideas about peace and good. This article considers the basic principles of the implementation of musical folklore in the vocal and instrumental works of domestic avant-garde composers of the second half of the twentieth century. It is noted that neo-folklorism, which arose in domestic music in the 1980–1990s in connection with the idea of national revival, through the semantics of rite, cult archaic, means of folk musical language, strengthened the Russian roots of domestic culture and strengthened the national philosophical heritage embedded in folk music.


2021 ◽  
pp. 191-213
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

If mutinies during wartime are amongst the most dangerous to the establishment, mutinies during civil wars generate the most angst, for one-time comrades now become enemies and neither side celebrates success, even if there is a recognition that the day of reckoning has arrived. This chapter begins with the mutinies in the English Civil Wars that saw the Parliamentary side rent between its conservative side, led by Cromwell amongst others, and its radical side, who supported the Levellers. The mutinies also reveal the complexity of the rebels’ cause: some saw the mutiny as a way of securing a more democratic polity, while others were simply intent on securing their backpay before embarking for Ireland to eliminate Irish and Royalist dissent. Nearly 300 years later a similar situation in Russia saw the sailors of Krondstadt rebel against their erstwhile comrades in the Bolshevik Government in a failed attempt to pull the revolution back to its original roots.


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