scholarly journals Self-medication with alcohol: a review of literature of nations of Central Asia between the 9th and 14th century AD.

Author(s):  
Homayun Shahpesandy
1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 479-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Eva Subtelny

Periods of cultural florescence seem to coincide with times of political decline far too regularly in the history of medieval Iran and Central Asia for the link between them to be merely incidental. One of the most outstanding examples is the period of the rule of the Turko-Mongol Timurid dynasty in the 9th/15th century, which has been dubbed a “Timurid renaissance” by Western scholars. Another is the period of the political domination of the Buyid dynasty of Dailamite origin in the 4th–5th/10th–11th centuries, which Adam Mez popularized as the “renaissance of Islam.” Still another is the period of the Muzaffarid, Jalayirid, Sarbadarid, and Kartid kingdoms which arose in the 8th/14th century after the fall of the Mongol Ilkhanid empire. Although the appropriateness of the term “renaissance” as applied to the Timurid case in particular has raised reservations among scholars, it does underscore the point that his period was characterized by an extraordinary surge of activity in all areas of cultural and intellectual endeavor, something already noted by its contemporaries.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin DeWeese

Khwaja Ahmad Yasavi, the celebrated saint of Central Asia who lived most likely in the late 12th century, is perhaps best known as a Sufi shaykh and (no doubt erroneously) as a mystical poet; his shrine in the town now known as Turkistan, in southern Kazakhstan, has been an important religious center in Central Asia at least since the monumental mausoleum that still stands was built, by order of Timur, at the end of the 14th century. While Yasavi's shrine, owing to the predilections of Soviet scholarship, was extensively studied by architectural historians and archeologists, its role in social and religious history has received scant attention; at the same time, Ahmad Yasavi's legacy as a Sufi shaykh has itself been the subject of considerable misunderstanding, resulting from two related tendencies in past scholarship: to approach the Yasavi tradition as little more than a sideline to the historically dominant Naqshbandiyya, and to regard it as a phenomenon definable in “ethnic” terms, as limited to an exclusively Turkic environment. Even less well known in the West, however, is one aspect of Ahmad Yasavi's legacy that is of increasing significance in contemporary Central Asia, as the region's religious heritage is recovered and redefined in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse—namely, the distinctive familial communities that define themselves in terms of descent from Yasavi's family, and have historically claimed specific prerogatives associated with Yasavi's shrine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Kutimov Yu. ◽  
◽  
Tutaeva I. ◽  

According to the results of natural-scientific methods of dating, the lower boundary of the absolute chronology of the Chust culture of the Fergana Valley of the Late Bronze Age — Early Iron Age is presently dated to the 15th–14th century BC. However, this date runs contrary to stratigraphic and comparative-typological evidence from the sites of the “Community of painted pottery” of Central Asia. Analysis of the mutual occurrence of Chust and steppe components at sites of the Fergana Valley allows archaeologists to define the time of the existence of the Chust culture to within the 12th–9th century BC.


2021 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 106-120
Author(s):  
Murat Laumulin ◽  

Review of foreign literature on Central Asia: 2020-2021.


2018 ◽  
Vol IX (1) ◽  
pp. 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pranali Kulkarni ◽  
Anshul Garg ◽  
Abhishek Ajmera ◽  
Apurva Mahajan ◽  
Sonal Gadekar ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Ali Gibran Siddiqui

The Khwājagān (lit. “Masters”) were a constellation of Ṣūfīs in 13th- to 16th-century Mawara an-Nahr and Khurasan. The Naqshbandīyya were Ṣūfīs from among the Khwājagān who followed the teachings of their shaykh, or Ṣūfī master, Khwāja Bahāʾ ad-Dīn Naqshband (1318–1389). Given the eventual emergence of a more centrally organized Naqshbandī order among the otherwise unorganized Khwājagānī tradition by the mid-15th century, later Naqshbandī hagiographers have retroactively combined the development of both traditions under a single linear narrative. While such hagiographies from the 16th century onward portray the Khwājagān as a monolithic group, united in beliefs and rituals, and tracing its silsila (lit. “chain”) or spiritual lineage back to the first caliph Abū Bakr (r. 632–634), there is little evidence from the 13th and 14th centuries to buttress these claims. A study of earlier sources from this time period instead suggests that there was considerable variation among the attitudes and beliefs espoused by individual Khwājagānī Ṣūfī masters and that a loosely defined common identity among the Khwājagān grew out of aversion to the practices of more established Ṣūfī traditions that included ascribing particular importance to spiritual lineages and public displays of devotion. Thus, this Khwājagānī current spread across Central Asia in the form of local Ṣūfī communities, which sought to challenge traditional understandings of Sufism. Part of the Khwājagānī aversion to ostentatious modes of worship by more traditional forms of Sufism led to an increased preference for silent forms of dhikr (lit. remembrance) or the ritualistic recitation of sacred names and phrases, as opposed to more vocal and public forms. By the 15th century, this proclivity toward silent dhikr had become a hallmark of the Khwājagānī-Naqshbandī tradition. The term Khwājagān is the plural of the Persian word khwāja, which literally means “master” and often reserved for persons of distinction. As an honorific term, originally reserved as a title of prestige for prominent members of Persianate societies, Ṣūfī murīds or disciples used the title “khwāja” to refer to their masters or teachers with respect. In Naqshbandī sources written from the 16th century onward, hagiographers such as ʿAlī b. Ḥusayn Kāshifī Ṣafī have consistently referred to all members of the Khwājagānī and the Naqshbandī tradition by the epithet “khwāja.” Consequently, these Naqshbandī hagiographers have used the term Silsila-ye Khwājagān or the Chain of the Khwājas to refer to both the Naqshbandī silsila and its predecessors among the Ṣūfī masters of 12th-, 13th-, and 14th-century Central Asia.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael E. Meeker

The Book of Dede Korkut is an early record of oral Turkic folktales in Anatolia, and as such, one of the mythic charters of Turkish nationalist ideology. The oldest versions of the Book of Dede Korkut consist of two manuscripts copied sometime during the 16th century. The twelve stories that are recorded in these manuscripts are believed to be derived from a cycle of stories and songs circulating among Turkic peoples living in northeastern Anatolia and northwestern Azerbaijan. According to Lewis (1974), an older substratum of these oral traditions dates to conflicts between the ancient Oghuz and their Turkish rivals in Central Asia (the Pecheneks and the Kipchaks), but this substratum has been clothed in references to the 14th-century campaigns of the Akkoyunlu Confederation of Turkic tribes against the Georgians, the Abkhaz, and the Greeks in Trebizond. Such stories and songs would have emerged no earlier than the beginning of the 13th century, andthe written versions that have reached us would have been composed no later than the beginning of the 15th century. By this time, the Turkic peoples in question had been in touch with Islamic civilization for seeral centuries, had come to call themselves "Turcoman" rather than "Oghuz," had close associations with sedentary and urbanized societies, and were participating in Islamized regimes that included nomads, farmers, and townsmen. Some had abandoned their nomadic way of life altogether.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-286
Author(s):  
Ernest Tucker

Michal Biran fills an important gap in research on the 13th-century Mongol empire with her recent study of Qaidu (1236–1301), a great-grandson of Chinggis Khan and champion of the house of Ögödei. Characterizing Qaidu as a pragmatist, not an “ideological warrior” (p. 107), she challenges the conventional view that he was one of the quintessential defenders of nomadic values against the sedentarizing ethos of other Mongol rulers, and that he claimed the office of qa⊂an (supreme Mongol overlord). The work argues that his long struggle with Qubilai and his ruling career in Central Asia had two main goals: to restore to the Ögödeid ulus its rightful territory according to the original division of the empire by Chinggis and to secure the political and economic viability of that territory. It concludes that Qaidu did not aspire to become the qa⊂an but played a crucial role in the emergence of an independent Chaghadaid khanate in the early 14th century.


Author(s):  
David Radford

Since 1991 significant numbers of the ‘ethnic’ Kyrgyz have accepted the Christian faith, a figure close to 20,000 Kyrgyz Christians. Kyrgyz number about 71% of Kyrgyzstan’s population, Uzbeks 14% and Russians 8%. Christianity has had a long history with Central Asia with historical links to Nestorian and Assyrian Christianity (Church of the East). However, the faith disappeared by the mid-14th century due to persecution and plague. Despite efforts to proselytise the community by the Russian Orthodox Church, the peoples of Central Asia maintained continuity within their affairs. This also meant that religious identification was tied to ethnicity and identity: to be Russian was to be Christian (ROC); to be Central Asian was to be Muslim. Of all the post-Soviet Central Asian nations, Kyrgyzstan has been considered the most open and least authoritarian of all post-Soviet Central Asian nations. While a relaxed policy of religious freedom led to a marketplace of religious ideas, Kyrgyz Christians are stigmatized by being labelled as sell-outs, deniers of their Muslim birth-identity, adherents to Russian God, and cultists. Nevertheless, the spread of Christianity has been due to factors such as cultural continuity and the person-to-person involvement of Kyrgyz Christians with those from their community.


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