Cognitive frame theory: an analytical framework for time differentiation in discourse.

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
Marie Spruyt
2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (29) ◽  
pp. 108-120
Author(s):  
Simona Amankevičiūtė

This article conceptualizes the image of women in the sexist advertisements of the 1950s and 60s and in current advertising discourse by combining the research traditions of both cognitive linguistics and semiotic image analysis. The aim of the research is to try to evaluate how canonical positionings of women in the hyperreality of advertisements may slip into everyday discourse (stereotype space) and to present an interpretation of the creators’ visual lexicon. It is presumed that the traditional (formed by feminist linguists) approach to sexist advertising as an expression of an androcentric worldview in culture may be considered too subjectively critical. This study complements an interpretation of women’s social roles in advertising with cognitive linguistic insights on the subject’s (woman’s) visualisation and positioning in ad space. The article briefly overviews the feminist approach to women’s place in public discourse, and discusses the relevance of Goffman’s Gender Studies to an investigation of women’s images in advertising. The scholar’s contribution to adapting cognitive frame theory for an investigation of visuals in advertising is also discussed. The analysed ads were divided into three groups by Goffman’s classification, according to the concrete visuals used to represent women’s bodies or parts thereof: dismemberment, commodification, and subordination ritual. The classified stereotypical images of women’s bodies are discussed as visual metonymy, visual metaphor, and image schemas.


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Psotka ◽  
Sonya A. Lewis ◽  
Donald King

This research stems from the casual observation that the image of a television screen with 18° geometric ®eld of view (FOVg) as seen on a real television with 17° real FOV appears much “nearer” than the real television<Eth>as much as 98% closer. Does the image appear “nearer” because the distance to the real television is misjudged or is a mental model of a virtual subjective self-location created? Either way, all the projective mapping in the world, whether only in the z plane or in all x, y, and z planes, is irrelevant to explain this powerful perceptual or cognitive effect that the neglected variable of FOV has on self-location in virtual space. Accurate perception of the scene and precise self-location in virtual environments is the goal of accurate perspective geometries, scene computation, and helmet-mounted display (HMD) optics. Yet, as research has already clearly shown, accurate geometric projection is no guarantee of accurate perception: for instance, images viewed exactly at their proper projection points have repeatedly been seen at distorted distances or inaccurate directions. In addition to precise engineering, it is important to understand the psychology of selflocation, also called egocenters, to obtain an understanding of virtual space. A new theory, Cognitive Frame Theory, is proposed to deal with cognitive modi®cations of perception in a way that emphasizes the importance of self-location. Cognitive Frame Theory builds on the phenomenal geometry underlying self-location perceptions: the localization of objects in space requires a combination of perceived distance, perceived direction, and the perception of the position or motion of the self. A fundamentally novel component of the theory suggests that observers use their natural ®elds of view of 120° vertical by 180° horizontal as the primary standard for interpreting visual displays and their self-location in the space of those displays.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-444
Author(s):  
Amanuel Isak Tewolde

Many scholars and South African politicians characterize the widespread anti-foreigner sentiment and violence in South Africa as dislike against migrants and refugees of African origin which they named ‘Afro-phobia’. Drawing on online newspaper reports and academic sources, this paper rejects the Afro-phobia thesis and argues that other non-African migrants such as Asians (Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and Chinese) are also on the receiving end of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. I contend that any ‘outsider’ (White, Asian or Black African) who lives and trades in South African townships and informal settlements is scapegoated and attacked. I term this phenomenon ‘colour-blind xenophobia’. By proposing this analytical framework and integrating two theoretical perspectives — proximity-based ‘Realistic Conflict Theory (RCT)’ and Neocosmos’ exclusivist citizenship model — I contend that xenophobia in South Africa targets those who are in close proximity to disadvantaged Black South Africans and who are deemed outsiders (e.g., Asian, African even White residents and traders) and reject arguments that describe xenophobia in South Africa as targeting Black African refugees and migrants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-164
Author(s):  
Claudio Baraldi ◽  
Laura Gavioli

This paper analyses healthcare interactions involving doctors, migrant patients and ‘intercultural mediators’ who provide interpreting services. Our study is based on a collection of 300 interactions involving two language pairs, Arabic–Italian and English–Italian. The analytical framework includes conversation analysis combined with insights from social systems theory. We look at question-answer sequences, where (1) the doctors ask questions about patients’ problems or history, (2) the doctors’ questions are responded to and (3) the doctor closes the sequence, moving on to another question. We analyse the ways in which mediators help doctors design questions for patients and patients understand and eventually respond to the doctors’ design. While the doctor’s question design aims at obtaining details which are relevant for the patients’ care, it is argued that collecting such details involves complex interactional work. In particular, doctors need help in displaying their attention to their patients’ problems and in guiding patients’ responses into medically relevant directions. Likewise, patients need help in reacting appropriately. Mediators help manage communicative uncertainty both by showing the doctor’s interest in what the patient says, and by exploring and rendering the patient’s incomplete, extended and ambiguous answers to the doctor’s questions.


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