Vasily Abaev: the Russian Antistructuralist

Some linguists did not accept the structural ideas in the 1920s–1950s. One of the serious critics of structural linguistics in the Soviet Union was Vasily I. Abaev (1900–2001). His works on general linguistics were ignored or criticized though some of Abaev’s ideas were interesting. He distinguished two sides of language: “language as ideology” and “language as techniques”. According to him, every “element of speech” has a “technical and empiric nucleus” and an “ideological envelope” consisting of unstable “notions, sentiments and associations”. He considered structural methods as convenient if this level of language is mainly systematic (phonology), however, did not see much use in them concerning syntax and semantics.

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The Artist Nomad

Journal of Russian American Studies ◽

10.17161/jras.v3i1.8203 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 1-21

Author(s):

Clinton Jacob Buhler

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Soviet Union ◽

Ronald Reagan ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

Personal Politics ◽

The Cold War ◽

Good And Evil ◽

Two Sides ◽

Second World ◽

First World

When Ronald Reagan infamously declared the Soviet Union to be the “Evil Empire” in 1983, he was playing upon a fundamental axiom of Cold War politics: that the world can be neatly divided between the First World of Capitalism and the Second World of Communism. Equating this divide with that of good and evil only served to strengthen the notion that the two sides were mutually exclusive. Personal politics were an extension of this perspective. One was either a Capitalist or a Communist—to reject one was equivalent to embracing the other. This paper examines the art of dissident artists such as Alexander Kosolapov, Leonid Sokov, and Ilya Kabakov; artists from the Soviet Union who were exiled to the West during the Cold War. It seeks to better understand why these artists’ rebellion against the Soviet system did not translate into an embrace of Western culture upon arrival in America. The roots of their critical artistic approach are interpreted through the prism of ideological nomadism which reveals their art to be deeply ambivalent. These artworks are analyzed as a disruption to the binary understanding of the Cold War and Post-Soviet eras by their embrace of a liminal position in the overlap between the capitalist and communist cultural milieus.

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CIVIL WAR IN TAJIKISTAN : IT’S IMPACT ON TAJIK-RUSSIA RELATIONS

Scholarly Research Journal for Humanity Science & English Language ◽

10.21922/srjhsel.v6i26.11850 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 6 (26) ◽

Author(s):

Jajneswar Sethi

Keyword(s):

Civil War ◽

Soviet Union ◽

Industrial Development ◽

Large Scale ◽

Balance Of Power ◽

Second World War ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

State Relations ◽

Two Sides ◽

Second World

The relations between Tajikistan and Russia have passed through various stages of development starting from the Tsarist Colonial times to the present. Though the disintegration of the Soviet Union brought about drastic changes in the post-Second World War balance of power affecting the interests of both the countries, there is still a continuity in Tajik-Russia relations. The relation between the two sides has remained strong and cordial even after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Tajikistan witnessed a civil war in 1992 that resulted in large-scale out-migration of Russians who constituted the skilled and the elite groups key to the industrial development of Tajikistan. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, the Tajik Government adopted policies and confidence-building measures which cemented their relationship again. Now the inter-state relations between the two countries are on firm footing..

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Watermelons and Abandoned Watchtowers

Beyond the Steppe Frontier ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691181684.003.0009 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 251-265

Author(s):

Sören Urbansky

Keyword(s):

Soviet Union ◽

Economic Power ◽

Cross Border ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

Local Initiatives ◽

Wire Fence ◽

Two Sides

This chapter examines the development of Sino-Soviet relations and their impact on the Argun borderland from the post-Mao and post-Brezhnev years to the early 1990s. It explores how the boundary between the two communist states gradually became permeable again through center-driven political and economic reconciliation between the two countries and how, with slackening control at the border and the simultaneous political and economic power breakdown of the Soviet Union, informal cross-border contacts grew as well. While the border was still heavily guarded, the borderland soon slipped out of the control of the metropole, at least on the Soviet side of the barbed-wire fence. Indeed, the chapter argues that local initiatives accelerated the process of rapprochement between the two sides. Officially approved contact channels were quickly replaced by zones created by the local border people.

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Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace

International Security ◽

10.1162/isec.2009.34.1.42 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 34 (1) ◽

pp. 42-82 ◽

Cited By ~ 14

Author(s):

Elizabeth A. Stanley

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Soviet Union ◽

Korean War ◽

The United States ◽

Preference Information ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

Bargaining Models ◽

The Korean War ◽

Two Sides

Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms—domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war—are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become “stuck” and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States, China, and the Soviet Union during the Korean War illustrate the dynamics of these obstacles and the need for domestic coalition shifts in overcoming them before the conflict could be brought to an end.

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