A Paradigm of  Inflected Words and Phonological Rule

2020 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Young-Seon Kim
Keyword(s):  
2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Anderson

Alternations between allomorphs that are not directly related by phonological rule, but whose selection is governed by phonological properties of the environment, have attracted the sporadic attention of phonologists and morphologists. Such phenomena are commonly limited to rather small corners of a language's structure, however, and as a result have not been a major theoretical focus. This paper examines a set of alternations in Surmiran, a Swiss Rumantsch language, that have this character and that pervade the entire system of the language. It is shown that the alternations in question, best attested in the verbal system, are not conditioned by any coherent set of morphological properties (either straightforwardly or in the extended sense of ‘morphomes’ explored in other Romance languages by Maiden). These alternations are, however, straightforwardly aligned with the location of stress in words, and an analysis is proposed within the general framework of Optimality Theory to express this. The resulting system of phonologically conditioned allomorphy turns out to include the great majority of patterning which one might be tempted to treat as productive phonology, but which has been rendered opaque (and subsequently morphologized) as a result of the working of historical change.


Author(s):  
Kie Zuraw

This chapter examines the phonological rule of nasal substitution in Tagalog, specifically its rate of application in different constructions. Nasal substitution can occur whenever a prefix that ends in /ŋ/ attaches to a stem beginning with an obstruent, as in /maŋ + bigáj/ → [mamigáj] ‘to distribute’. Different prefixes trigger nasal substitution at different rates. This is similar to cases in which word-internal syntactic structure determines how and whether a phonological rule applies (e.g. Newell and Piggott 2014), but different because none of these words’ syntactic structure absolutely prevents nasal substitution, such as by placing a phase boundary between the prefix and stem. The focus of the chapter is on laying out the data, but it does suggest three possible interpretations: variable syntactic structure, a phonology directly sensitive to prefix identity, or competition between productive syntactic structure and lexicalized pronunciation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Linda Aprillianti

The Javanese language belongs to language which has unique phonological system. There are so many foreign language has influenced the development of Javanese. This study is intended to examine the sound change of borrowing word of foreign language in Javanese which is found in Panjebar Semangat magazine. The data is taken from Panjebar and checked using old Javanese dictionary. This study belongs to descriptive qualitative research and used Simak method and Non Participant Observation in collecting the data. The data analysis is done by using Padan method. The result of the study reveals three sound changes of vowels sound and four phonological rules. Then, there are four types of sound change and four phonological rule of consonant sound. The result showed that the sound change of borrowing word in Javanese is influenced by the differences of phonological system between Javanese and the foreign language.


Author(s):  
Marc Picard

In Natural Generative Phonology (NGP), the only phonological rules are those which describe alternations that take place in environments that can be specified in purely phonetic terms. As indicated by Hooper, these “‘phonetic terms’ refer to phonological features (that have intrinsic phonetic content) and phonological boundaries (that have a necessary and consistent phonetic manifestation)” (1976:14). Any rule which changes phonological features in an environment described in morphosyntactic or lexical terms is not phonological but morphophonemic. Since by definition a phonological rule cannot contain non-phonetic information, this entails, among other things, the exclusion of any boundary that is not determined by phonetic means. In other words, the syllable ($) and the pause (| |) are the only boundaries which can appear in a phonological rule in NGP. The word boundary (# and ##) and the morpheme boundary (+), which are determined by syntactic and semantic means, can only appear in a morphophonemic rule.


1972 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-115
Author(s):  
James M. Anderson
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory K. Iverson ◽  
Gerald A. Sanders
Keyword(s):  

Phonology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-452
Author(s):  
Vladimir Kulikov

Obstruents in Russian have been claimed to assimilate in voicing in clusters when a sonorant consonant intervenes, e.g. ot mgly [dmg] ‘from the haze’. This phenomenon (‘sonorant transparency to voice assimilation’) is controversial: it is claimed to be a phonological rule of fast speech by some linguists, while its existence is denied by others. Previous studies have shown that voicing in presonorant obstruents (C1) in Russian is consistent with that of prevocalic obstruents in slow speech; however, no research has examined whether voicing in presonorant obstruents changes either as a function of the voicing of the rightmost (C2) obstruent in a cluster or in faster speech. This paper presents experimental results supporting the claim that the voicing of C2 obstruents does not affect voicing in presonorant C1 obstruents in slow or fast speech. The results suggest that obstruents do not assimilate through a sonorant in obstruent–sonorant–obstruent clusters in Russian.


1987 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-298
Author(s):  
Camillia N. Barrett-Keach

Swahili has two forms of inanimate pronominal clitics. One, like the relative pronouns, typically ends with /o/ and the other, like the subject agreement affixes, are never /o/ final. According to the traditionalists, a semantic feature associated with /o/ differentiates two sets of clitics semantically as well as phonetically. The present account argues that the two sets do not form separate morphemes. They are instead allomorphs of the same morpheme derived by a phonological rule, o-Epenthesis, which suffixes /o/ onto any constituent final pronominal clitic. This virtually exceptionless account provides synchronic evidence for a dual constituent analysis of the verbal complex. The discussion of such well known forms adopts basic assumptions from lexical and auto segmental phonology.


1989 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-252
Author(s):  
Paul Newman ◽  
Philip J. Jaggar
Keyword(s):  

Some twenty years ago Leben proposed that Hausa had a productive, essentially exceptionless P rule ("L TR") to the effect that any word fmal L L sequence automatically changed to L H if the final vowel of the word was long. Since that time, L TR has become accepted as a phonological rule of Hausa alongside such well-established rules as vowel shortening in closed syllables or palatalization of coronal consonants before front vowels. The aim of our paper was to demonstrate that there are in fact far too many counterexamples to the L TR rule to continue to accept it as a fully active synchronic rule in Hausa.


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