From Murrow to Mediocrity? Radio foreign news from World War II to the Iraq War

2013 ◽  
pp. 50-65
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  
PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1886-1895 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Taylor

On 27 February 2009, The Essays for this PMLA issue on war were coming in, against a background of various wars. The Iraq War had claimed over 100,000 civilian lives. The newly elected Obama administration vowed to amp up efforts in Afghanistan. The rubble in Gaza still smoldered from the recent Israeli attacks. The ongoing conflict in Darfur had already left 300,000 people dead, not to mention the 2.5 million displaced. When President George W. Bush left office, his boundless war on terror had exacted more lives, money, civil-liberty concessions, and international goodwill than one could even begin to tally. These were just the newsworthy wars that happened to be featured that month in the New York Times. Other, “low-intensity” wars—the devastating fighting in East Congo, the ongoing Zapatista uprising, Colombia's fifty-year-old armed conflict, Sri Lanka's civil war, and similar struggles—simmered on the back burner. The topic of war seemed as urgent that February morning as it had two years earlier, when the editors proposed this special issue. Ironically, that morning's Times showcased “Weekend at War” in its Escapes section (Sokol). The oversize image showed a crowded ballroom full of happy dancers in World War II outfits swinging to a big band orchestra—the uniforms, insignia, hats, hairdos all conjured up another time. The caption read, “It's winter 2009, but for hundreds of reenactors, it's December 1944 at the Battle of the Bulge.”


Author(s):  
Emily Meierding

Do countries fight wars for oil? Given the resource's exceptional military and economic importance, most people assume that states will do anything to obtain it. Challenging this conventional wisdom, the book reveals that countries do not launch major conflicts to acquire petroleum resources. The book argues that the costs of foreign invasion, territorial occupation, international retaliation, and damage to oil company relations deter even the most powerful countries from initiating “classic oil wars.” Examining a century of interstate violence, the book demonstrates that, at most, countries have engaged in mild sparring to advance their petroleum ambitions. The book elaborates on these findings by reassessing the presumed oil motives for many of the twentieth century's most prominent international conflicts: World War II, the two American Gulf wars, the Iran–Iraq War, the Falklands/Malvinas War, and the Chaco War. These case studies show that countries have consistently refrained from fighting for oil. The book also explains why oil war assumptions are so common, despite the lack of supporting evidence. Since classic oil wars exist at the intersection of need and greed–two popular explanations for resource grabs–they are unusually easy to believe in. The book will engage and inform anyone interested in oil, war, and the narratives that connect them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 105-119
Author(s):  
Martin Holtz

The article explores the similarities of Westerns and war films and the ways in which the two genres have cross-fertilized each other since World War II. Central to their similarities are their efforts to render violence as a “regenerative” Slotkin means to establish or defend American civilization. Since the Vietnam War, however, the Western has taken a revisionist turn, and its subsequent evocations in war films expose the frontier ideology of justified violence in the name of the advancement of American civilization as a failed ideological project and highlight the imperialist aggression that connects America’s westward expansion with its military efforts. Using the example of Clint Eastwood’s film American Sniper 2014, the article argues that the use of Western elements in contemporary films about the Iraq War adds a sense of moral ambiguity to the portrayal of the hero, who exhibits a pathological obsession with a Western image of the righteous protector of civilization that is ultimately destructive to himself and the society he wants to protect.WESTERN A FILM WOJENNY — SNAJPER CLINTA EASTWOODA JAKO GATUNKOWA HYBRYDAArtykuł jest eksploracją podobieństw między westernem a filmem wojennym i sposobów, w jakie obydwa gatunki wzajemnie się przenikały od czasu II wojny światowej. Głównym ich podobieństwem jest próba prezentowania przemocy jako „odradzającego się” Slotkin środka służącego ustanowieniu bądź obronie amerykańskiej cywilizacji. Jednakże od wojny wietnamskiej western przeszedł rewizjo­nistyczny zwrot, a jego kolejne ewokacje w filmach wojennych eksponują ideologię Pogranicza bę­dącą usprawiedliwieniem przemocy w imię zaawansowania amerykańskiej cywilizacji jako projektu ideologicznego upadłego i ukazują imperialistyczną agresję, która łączy amerykańską ekspansję na zachód z jej militarnymi wysiłkami. Na przykładzie Snajpera Clinta Eastwooda 2014 niniejszy esej przekonuje, że zastosowanie westernowych elementów we współczesnych filmach o irackiej wojnie przydaje moralnej dwuznaczności portretowi bohatera, przejawiającego patologiczną obsesję wester­nowym image’em prawego obrońcy cywilizacji, skrajnie destrukcyjnego wobec siebie oraz społeczeń­stwa, które chce osłaniać.                                                                                              Przeł. Kordian Bobowski


Author(s):  
Gregory J. Moore

Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971) may have been the most influential and insightful American thinker of the twentieth century. In dealing with the intricacies of human nature, society, politics, ethics, theology, racism, and international relations, Niebuhr the teacher, preacher, philosopher, social critic, and ethicist was highly influential and difficult to ignore during the World War II and Cold War eras because of his intellectual heft and the novel manner in which he addressed the economic, spiritual, social, and political problems of his time. This book distills Niebuhr’s disparate and now difficult-to-access work on international relations into one volume, making it more easily accessible than ever before, at the same time bringing his work into the twenty-first century. It argues that if he were alive today Niebuhr would be a champion of the United Nations, a supporter of globalization, a fierce opponent of America’s 2003 Iraq War (for all the reasons he opposed the Vietnam War), an advocate of responsibility to protect, and a pragmatic hawk on China as it rises today. This book also highlights his many contributions to international relations (IR) theory, from Realism to Liberalism to existentialism to the English School to constructivism. This is the first book that focuses exclusively on the IR thought of Reinhold Niebuhr, one of America’s most important public intellectuals and classical Realism’s most important figures, dubbed “the father of us all” by American diplomat and Realist George Kennan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Culcasi

In the summer of 2015, the UN reported that there were more than 60 million refugees worldwide, making the current refugee crisis the largest in history. Though the refugee crisis is global, it has a particular regional and local geography that demands attention. As readers ofIJMESundoubtedly know, this crisis has disproportionally affected people in the Middle East. Since the end of World War II, a majority of the world's refugees have originated from this region. Five years of war in Syria is the most recent cause of displacement, but the American-led Iraq War in 2003 and the displacement of Palestinians with the establishment of Israel in 1948 have produced tens of millions of refugees.


2020 ◽  
pp. 8-38
Author(s):  
Navin A. Bapat

The U.S. was in a position of economic and military hegemony after World War II. However, by the early 1970s, the U.S. dollar depreciated following President Richard Nixon’s abandonment of the gold standard. To fight this problem, Nixon offered indefinite military protection from all of their enemies to all oil-producing states, if those states agreed to denominate their oil sales exclusively in U.S. dollars. This agreement reestablished the U.S. as the world’s sole superpower. At the turn of the millennium, U.S. dominance faced challenges from al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein’s decision to abandon the dollar in favor of the euro in oil sales. The war on terror began as an effort to eliminate each of these threats. Following the Iraq war, the U.S. seemed to establish control and alliances with all of the world’s key suppliers of energy, along with the states serving as transit routes.


Author(s):  
Marina MacKay
Keyword(s):  

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